The changes in
Uzbekistan, which have been talked about so much lately, including in the West,
are according to human rights activist Nadejda Atayeva, merely a propaganda
screen hiding unresolved problems driven underground. President Shavkat
Mirziyoyev and his team remind her of a pioneer squad – there are many ideas, but
few if any achievements.
Nadejda Atayeva, President
of the Association for Human Rights in Central Asia, currently lives in exile
in France, but continues to monitor and advocate for improvements in the human
rights situation in Uzbekistan. We asked her to assess the ongoing reforms
which are much discussed in the press, including the activities of the second
president.
— Nadejda, in the West recently there has been a lot
of talk about the fact that the President of Uzbekistan, Mirziyoyev, is
carrying out liberal modernisation of the country. Is it actually true? And can
you name reforms or changes that would support such statements?
— Changes are taking
place, but I do not have a single example which confirms the systematic liberal
modernisation of Uzbekistan. I will explain why.
The executive branch
still prevails over other branches of power, but yet does not ensure the diligent
implementation of its own initiatives. This is especially noticeable in the
implementation of about two thousand new laws and regulations announced by
President Shavkat Mirziyoyev as part of the reform programme. New decisions are
often delayed in being passed to local government level and local authorities
continue to illegally restrict citizens' rights. Therefore, the hopes
associated with the new government have begun to fade .
Over the past three
years of his reign, Mirziyoyev has identified many areas of reforms. At the
same time, he takes steps that show him to be a consistent executor of behind
the scenes agreements with Russian President Putin. It seems that before
Mirziyoyev came to power, they agreed on certain points for the development of
bilateral relations, and Mirziyoyev is now faithfully fulfilling these
agreements.
— For example?
— Let's see what has changed. What is striking first of all are not the positive changes in people's lives through reforms that are visible, but, for example, the signing of a number of agreements with
Russia through which the project for the
construction of a nuclear power plant and the entry of Uzbekistan into the
Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) which make
Uzbekistan dependent on policies of the Kremlin. Under President Karimov,
foreign policy towards Russia was fundamentally different. And now we are being
put in a yoke by manoeuvring and convincing us of the benefits of a common
economic area, promises of an improvement in the situation with labour migrants
and other benefits. But in fact, those citizens of Uzbekistan who have lived
abroad for many years, who believed in Mirziyoyev’s reforms and returned to
Uzbekistan, are now actively leaving the country again. Many of them realized
that Mirziyoyev’s personnel policy is weak. Moreover, he himself has been slowing
down the announced reforms, as his energy is primarily directed towards
fighting against “internal forces”. Mirziyoyev got involved in the process of
reprisals against prosecutors, officers of the National Security Service and so
on. He launched a hunt for people who allegedly tried to organise an attempt to
overthrow him. The number of those who are prosecuted is growing exponentially,
trials are being held behind closed doors.
— For example?
— Let's see what has changed. What is striking first of all are not the positive changes in people's lives through reforms that are visible, but, for example, the signing of a number of agreements with
In this situation,
objective and reliable information is not available to the public, and
Mirziyoyev’s actions do not always look logical and consistent.
Mirziyoyev, it would
seem, is implementing the resolution of the European Parliament of 2014, which clearly stated the need for the release of the
citizens of Uzbekistan, whom the international community sees as political
prisoners. These are religious figures, human rights activists, journalists and
representatives of the Uzbek intelligentsia who suffered for freedom of
expression.
And over the past
years, thirty-six representatives of civil society have already been released
from penal institutions, meanwhile two individuals, who were mentioned in the
list of the resolution of the European Parliament, have died (one of them died
in custody, the other two years after his release).
However, many are
still not released. For instance, Rukhiddin Fakhriddinov, who was listed in the
resolution, still remains in custody. He was abducted in the south of
Kazakhstan by Uzbek special services in 2005, along with other followers of Obid
Qori Nazarov, a prominent religious leader, whom the SNB attempted to
assassinate in February 2012.
Moreover, the
process of releasing political prisoners, which began under Karimov and
continues under Mirziyoyev, is used by PR specialists as an example of the
“liberalism” of the new president. However, many people have not been released
yet.
— Do you not agree with this?
— In my opinion, this is just a bright label to attract the attention of the Western media. It is a tool to manipulate public opinion in the West. Moreover, under Mirziyoyev, there have been cases of new political prisoners.
— Do you not agree with this?
— In my opinion, this is just a bright label to attract the attention of the Western media. It is a tool to manipulate public opinion in the West. Moreover, under Mirziyoyev, there have been cases of new political prisoners.
Another issue under discussion in Uzbekistan - forced labour in the
cotton sector - has ceased to be prohibited. A hotline has been created, where one
can report illegal labour by phone. This information is available to
representatives of the ILO (International
Labour Organisation - Ed.), who
are in Uzbekistan permanently and are actively responding to incoming reports. However,
the ILO’s position is not always objective, as they are interested in
maintaining a presence in the country and are aimed at cooperation with the
government. And the assessments of civil society activists and independent
observers often justifiably do not coincide with the position of the government
and the ILO.
I support the view
that it is too early to talk about lifting sanctions on Uzbek cotton, because
there are very few systemic changes. Again, students are found in the cotton
fields. Yes, new online publications in Uzbekistan are already writing on this
subject, without fear of persecution - this is a positive point. But no one has been punished for cases of death during the cotton harvesting, investigations concerning the list of children who died during the cotton harvests of previous years,which we submitted to the UN Human Rights Committee five years ago and published on our website, have not been resumed.
On the whole, it is
too early to talk about the eradication of modern forms of slavery in
Uzbekistan. This problem can only be solved in a comprehensive way, eradicating
the super centralised nature of the cotton sector management, which creates a
demand for forced labour, by improving working conditions and safety measures -
not only in the sector of cotton growing, but also throughout the country. It
is also time for the state to take measures to reduce occupational diseases and
provide conditions for the development of independent trade unions.
— Which stratum of Uzbek society is most vulnerable today?
— Any person in Uzbekistan has been and remains vulnerable, because the adopted laws are not implemented, as before, corrupt connections work more efficiently than the principles of the Constitution of Uzbekistan.
— Which stratum of Uzbek society is most vulnerable today?
— Any person in Uzbekistan has been and remains vulnerable, because the adopted laws are not implemented, as before, corrupt connections work more efficiently than the principles of the Constitution of Uzbekistan.
A significant part of
the population is the owners of houses and apartments, many of which have
suffered from the practice of large-scale demolitions of their property and the
inability to obtain affordable social housing or adequate monetary
compensation.
One of the most
vulnerable groups of citizens is LGBT people. They are exposed to risks to
their lives solely because they are “different”, despite the fact that their
relationships are consensual. Even their relatives begin to cooperate with law
enforcement bodies if they find out that one of the family members is associated
with LGBT people. I am dismayed at the cruelty of cases of murder homosexual people in Uzbekistan! The law
enforcement agencies deal with such cases extremely passively, which only
intensifies aggression.
This problem now
requires a legal open discussion to decriminalise Article 120 of the Criminal
Code, under which people are not only detained for consensual same-sex
relationships, but also subjected to discrimination, which even leads to the murder
of LGBT people.
Moreover, Article 120
is used in the fight against activists, by threatening to apply it if one does not
cooperate with the special services, since the evidence of a “witness” is
sufficient to support the use of this Article.
No less painful is the
problem of the mass revocation of citizenship of Uzbekistan. We are studying this
problem, and I am finding massive violations of human rights. Firstly, the
process of revocation of citizenship of persons living abroad takes place in
absentia and does not provide for the right of defence and appeal. Moreover,
citizenship is revoked not by a judicial decision, but on the basis of a
presidential decree. Why is the decision to revoke the citizenship made by the
executive branch? This is a violation of the Constitution of Uzbekistan,
committed by the Guarantor of human rights and freedoms - the so-called
“reformer”, Shavkat Mirziyoyev. And for many reasons, this process of revocation
of citizenship looks like a crime committed by the state, since it is carried
out on the basis of the Decree of the President of Uzbekistan - contrary to the
Constitution. We have reliable information that indicates that persons, whose citizenship
has been revoked, face mass confiscation of property that is appropriated at a
very low cost by officials, as well as the “boss” of the Uzbek mafia, “Salimbay”,
and his entourage. For example, an apartment worth USD 250,000 was acquired by
an associate of Salimbay for USD 400. Our organisation has more information on
such facts.
Therefore, I believe
that the “change” in Uzbekistan is a propaganda screen, which is hiding
resolved, underground problems that have become a source of human rights
violations.
— There is an opinion that censorship of the Uzbek media has become not as severe as it was under Karimov. Is it true?
— Many new publications have appeared In Uzbekistan in recent years, but they are increasingly reporting about their closure due to the fact that they supposedly somehow did not cover this or that topic. A website called TUGRI.UZ was recently closed. The persecution of authors of critical materials has begun. For example, charges were brought against Mirzo Subkhanov, a blogger from Samarkand.
— There is an opinion that censorship of the Uzbek media has become not as severe as it was under Karimov. Is it true?
— Many new publications have appeared In Uzbekistan in recent years, but they are increasingly reporting about their closure due to the fact that they supposedly somehow did not cover this or that topic. A website called TUGRI.UZ was recently closed. The persecution of authors of critical materials has begun. For example, charges were brought against Mirzo Subkhanov, a blogger from Samarkand.
Strengthening of the control over the
expansion of the country's information field on the Internet is currently ongoing.
For example, we began to notice that the content of conversations of activists
who communicate via Telegram or Signal messaging platforms somehow becomes known
to the special services. It is my understanding that this situation is being
studied by independent information security experts.
— But these messaging platforms are recognised around the world as the safest ones!
— There are three opinions: either the Uzbek special services somehow learned how to wiretap them, the activists are using them incorrectly, or those special services’ cars that the activists notice under their windows are crammed with wiretapping equipment.
— But these messaging platforms are recognised around the world as the safest ones!
— There are three opinions: either the Uzbek special services somehow learned how to wiretap them, the activists are using them incorrectly, or those special services’ cars that the activists notice under their windows are crammed with wiretapping equipment.
The practice of maintaining a “black list”
of politically unreliable people has not gone away. I am sure that it still exists,
despite the fact that Uzbek authorities announced two years ago that such lists
were eliminated. But they are formed as part of the operational-search activity
in Uzbekistan, which is conducted with procedural violations of national
legislation, and anyone listed faces restrictions of his rights.
— In what way?
— For example, they restrict access to participation in discussions organised by the UN and diplomatic missions. Whereas previously activists living outside Tashkent were removed from buses or detained on charges of administrative violations, today they are either simply not allowed to leave their homes or taken to a restaurant for an “urgent” conversation – they are getting “creative” , but the meaning of these tactics is the same - to do everything possible to prevent the “politically unreliable” (according to the security forces) activist from participating in the event attended by foreign guests.
— In what way?
— For example, they restrict access to participation in discussions organised by the UN and diplomatic missions. Whereas previously activists living outside Tashkent were removed from buses or detained on charges of administrative violations, today they are either simply not allowed to leave their homes or taken to a restaurant for an “urgent” conversation – they are getting “creative” , but the meaning of these tactics is the same - to do everything possible to prevent the “politically unreliable” (according to the security forces) activist from participating in the event attended by foreign guests.
At the same time,
there are positive aspects - international independent experts have begun to be
admitted into the country, UN missions are visiting Uzbekistan, the Office of
the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights has resumed its work. This is very
good, because UN representatives have the opportunity to monitor on the ground
how human rights are respected and how Uzbekistan is fulfilling its
international obligations in this field.
At the same time,
organisations such as Human Rights Watch, the Norwegian Helsinki Committee and
others have not been successful in resuming the work of their representatives
in Uzbekistan and constantly monitor human rights in this country. Uzbekistan has
not granted Human Rights Watch accreditation. There is only one reason for this-
the lack of political will, which allows Uzbek officials to find more and more pretexts
for refusal.
The International Red Cross has not yet resumed its visits to penitentiary institutions (the mission left Uzbekistan in
2013). And whereas a year and a half ago we were receiving reports from our
sources in Uzbekistan that the number of prisoners was being reduced, that
repair works were being carried out in prisons, now we are receiving shocking reports of suicides, discrimination
against persons convicted on religious grounds, about torture and slave labour
of prisoners. Meanwhile, there are still no mechanisms for promptly responding
to the facts of torture. Recently, we received reports of cases of suicide and
slave labour in prison No. 5 (formerly prison No. 64/47). Can you imagine how
much pressure people are subjected to in this prison, that, unable to withstand
it, they choose to be burned alive by jumping right into a furnace in the brick
factory?!
Therefore, I repeat,
there are changes, but very superficial, half-hearted, slippery ones, which appear
to change things, but in general the situation and the political regime remain
the same. The reason is obvious – the lack of conditions for the development of
civil society, political opposition and free democratic elections.
— Why is this happening? Is this a deliberate policy of the president or an indicator of his weakness?
— Mirziyoyev was brought up by the system of the Communist Party of the USSR and the dictatorship of Islam Karimov. This explains his intolerance towards critics and the opposition, his absolute dependence on the Uzbek clans and such “dinosaurs” of Uzbek politics, as, for example, Rustam Inoyatov and Zelimkhan Khaidarov. That is why he still has not condemned the crimes committed under the dictator Islam Karimov.
— Why is this happening? Is this a deliberate policy of the president or an indicator of his weakness?
— Mirziyoyev was brought up by the system of the Communist Party of the USSR and the dictatorship of Islam Karimov. This explains his intolerance towards critics and the opposition, his absolute dependence on the Uzbek clans and such “dinosaurs” of Uzbek politics, as, for example, Rustam Inoyatov and Zelimkhan Khaidarov. That is why he still has not condemned the crimes committed under the dictator Islam Karimov.
I have no confidence
in Mirziyoyev, since he returned Zakirjon Almatov, to power. Almatov was the
former Minister of Internal Affairs, under whose leadership in 2005 government
troops massacred the people of Andijan. It is under the leadership of Almatov that
the practice of commissioned criminal cases and abuse of Interpol
mechanisms began in Uzbekistan. Since
the 1990s, Almatov , in cooperation with Salimbay, a mafia "boss", coordinated
raids to seizeproperty and used the investigative department of the Ministry of
Internal Affairs to ruin those who refused to pay bribes. I draw this
conclusion on the basis of the evidence gathered. In my opinion, Zakirjon
Almatov and Rustam Inoyatov should be included in the global “Magnitsky list”.
If Shavkat Mirziyoyev does not have enough resources to protect Uzbekistan from
the criminal influence of these persons, then leverage of external democratic
pressure should be used.
Let me give you another
fact - for three years Mirziyoyev has not given a single interview or a single
press conference. At the same time, his press service, in my view, is trying to
legalise censorship by holding press conferences behind closed door and setting
the agenda for media coverage.
It is also interesting
that the Internet users that are the most active in social networks, even those
who do not have their own blogs, are now called “bloggers” by Uzbek judges.
This means that the courts do not understand the difference between bloggers
and activists in the social media, which leads to inadequate punishments,
including punitive psychiatry, for the expressed opinions.
At the same time, the level of education of many Uzbek officials is
extremely low, and the authorities themselves recognise this. For this reason,
funds were allocated from the national budget for a new department, where
employees of state bodies are taught ethical standards and how to express their
thoughts. I hope that the head of the administration of
the Ferghana region, Shukhrat Ganiev, who particularly stands out for his wild
behaviour and assault of his subordinates, will soon undergo training there.
It is hard for me to imagine such a person in power, for example, in
France or Sweden, but in Uzbekistan Ganiev enjoys the patronage of the President
of Uzbekistan, Shavkat Mirziyoyev, and, in collusion with representatives of
the Prosecutor’s Office and the State Security Service, continues to intimidate
and ruin entrepreneurs. I am sure that Mirziyoyev is tolerant of the governors
of the Ferghana and Andijan regions only because they are able to secure votes for
him in the parliamentary and presidential elections. And what kind of reforms
is Mirziyoyev capable of, given that he was brought up by the communist regime
and has not found the strength to forego his privileges in these three years,
avoiding declaring his income in every possible way, whereas his close circle
has amassed more than Gulnara Karimova, daughter of the late dictator Islam
Karimov.
— Today many talk a great deal about the fight against corruption in Uzbekistan. What is going on there?
— I would say that rather I am witnessing an increase of corruption in Uzbekistan. Take for instance Tashkent City, a social program of residential construction, alone! It clearly exposed the fictitious nature of the announced reforms. Large scale violations of the social rights of ordinary people led to an increase in the mood of protest. People face injustice in courts, because the judiciary is still dependent on the executive.
— And what is wrong with the Tashkent City program?
— Large scale violations consist of the fact that adequate compensation is not being paid when demolishing houses, that is, the price for a demolished house most often turns out to be symbolic, as the property has been undervalued. Many residents of Tashkent found themselves in a situation where it was impossible to buy anything not only in Tashkent, but even outside the city with the money they received for their demolished houses.
— Today many talk a great deal about the fight against corruption in Uzbekistan. What is going on there?
— I would say that rather I am witnessing an increase of corruption in Uzbekistan. Take for instance Tashkent City, a social program of residential construction, alone! It clearly exposed the fictitious nature of the announced reforms. Large scale violations of the social rights of ordinary people led to an increase in the mood of protest. People face injustice in courts, because the judiciary is still dependent on the executive.
— And what is wrong with the Tashkent City program?
— Large scale violations consist of the fact that adequate compensation is not being paid when demolishing houses, that is, the price for a demolished house most often turns out to be symbolic, as the property has been undervalued. Many residents of Tashkent found themselves in a situation where it was impossible to buy anything not only in Tashkent, but even outside the city with the money they received for their demolished houses.
In my view, the reconstruction
of Tashkent has become a powerful source of corruption and violation of
fundamental social rights, as evidenced by numerous cases of suicides and
increased migration.
By the way, here it is
appropriate to mention another widely publicised innovation of Mirziyoyev - the
creation of online petitions to officials. There are a lot of complaints about
them. Yes, sites are created, they are operational and there is a platform
through which one can report violations. But the system does not work. Because
when a citizen of Uzbekistan lodges a complaint with the President’s Office about
a violation of rights by law enforcement agencies, his or her application is
forwarded to the institution the complainant complains about. I do not see any
point in explaining what follows next.
The lack of a
conscientious approach to solving existing problems simply destroys people's
trust in the current government.
Yes, Mirziyoyev is full
of ideas, but his team reminds me of a pioneer squad. There are many
initiatives, but few opportunities.
In addition, there are
questions to which I cannot find answers yet.
 | |||
| President of Uzbekistan Shavkat Mirziyayev (on the left) and "mafia boss" Salimbay shaking hands |
The second concerns the
active appointment and promotion of Mirziyoyev’s relatives in official power
structures.
His elder son-in-law,
Oybek Tursunov, until recently presented himself as the Deputy Head of the
Department of Presidential Affairs of Uzbekistan and still uses the car of the Administration
of the President of Uzbekistan.
His father, Batyr
Tursunov, is the First Deputy Chairman of the State Security Service of
Uzbekistan and the First Deputy Commander of the National Guard (the Commander
of the National Guard is Bokhodir Tashmatov and he is also the head of the
Presidential Security Service).
Oybek's older brother
Ulugbek Tursunov is the Deputy Head of the Main Department of Internal Affairs
in the city of Tashkent.
The younger
son-in-law, Otabek Umarov, is the Deputy Head of the President’s Security
Service.
Davron Ibragimov, Mirziyoyev’s brother in
law is the father of Diora Usmanova - the widow
of Babur Usmanov - the nephew of the Russian billionaire Alisher Usmanov.
Ibragimov was the director of the Chinabad oil depot. During the reign of
Shavkat Mirziyoyev, he took control of all the oil depots in Uzbekistan, and
now he and his team are regulating petrol prices. And they began calling him
the “petrol king”.
Tell me, what kind of liberal modernisation
of Uzbekistan and the fight against corruption can we talk about?
— Do you have any information about what is happening with the Karimov family?
— Gulnara was imprisoned on the basis of the court decisions of three closed trials, and, in my opinion, under the new president, she is jailed not for participating in corruption schemes, committing economic crimes and crimes in office and abusing her father’s power, but for the fact that she would be able to say many things about Mirziyoyev himself and her ties with him.
— Do you have any information about what is happening with the Karimov family?
— Gulnara was imprisoned on the basis of the court decisions of three closed trials, and, in my opinion, under the new president, she is jailed not for participating in corruption schemes, committing economic crimes and crimes in office and abusing her father’s power, but for the fact that she would be able to say many things about Mirziyoyev himself and her ties with him.
The fact is that
Gulnara received all state orders and budget funds for her companies and projects
with the participation of Mirziyoyev, who at that time was the head of
government. If these episodes are considered in a public trial, then the
criminal actions of all members of the family of Islam Karimov, and the
participation of Mirziyoyev in them will be clarified, which means that he will
not be able to maintain his grip on power. Moreover, I think that these facts
are trump cards in the sleeve of Rustam Inoyatov and Zelimkhan Khaidarov,
people who were close to Islam Karimov and are well aware of the activities of
Gulnara, Lola, Tatyana Karimova, and, of course, have accumulated incriminating
evidence against Mirziyoyev. This is a lever of pressure, which even today
allows Inoyatov to steadily move towards restoring his influential status and
returning trusted people to their former posts.
In 2005, after the
mass executions in Andijan, Zakirjon Almatov was included in the EU sanctions
lists against Uzbekistan. And the former Minister of Foreign Affairs of
Uzbekistan, Sadyk Safaev, was included in the list of participants in the
crimes of Gulnara Karimova. He currently holds the post of the First Deputy
Chairman of the Senate of Uzbekistan. Almatov and Safaev are now in Mirziyoyev’s
team.
And look at how the
heads of the regional administrations behave? These are “small kings”, for whom
literally everything is permissible - they can beat up their subordinates, shower
them with foul language, and instead of adequate punishment, Mirziyoyev gives
them state awards.
Therefore, I repeat, I
do not believe in Mirziyoyev’s reforms. And the release of political prisoners
who were imprisoned during the Karimov regime does not mean that liberalisation
has begun in Uzbekistan, because everyone who has been released remains under
pressure and threatened to be imprisoned again. None of them have been
rehabilitated. Some already have faced charges for administrative violations.
For example, Agzam
Turgunov, a human rights activist, has already been through three trials on charges
of administrative violations. Only due to the active support of international
organisations does he still manage to be free.
Why does he annoy the
authorities so? Because he will not cease his human rights activism, he continues
to submit reports about violations of prisoner’s rights to the Prosecutor’s Office
and the Ombudsman’s office. By disturbing these departments with reports of
torture, forced labour of state employees and prisoners, Turgunov is shaking up
the stagnant bureaucratic swamp of Uzbekistan, demanding that officials begin
to finally earn their salaries and serve the interests of citizens of
Uzbekistan.
It is time for Shavkat
Mirziyoyev to show some courage and answer some pressing questions.
— What questions would you ask him?
— About the constitutionality of his coming to power, about his policies, and not only the internal ones. Uzbekistan is no longer truly independent. He is, as well as members of the Mirziyoyev family, under the influence of Russian oligarchs. Rapprochement with Russia is contrary to the policy of Uzbekistan, which was established after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Why during the three years of Mirziyoyev’s reign did Uzbekistan’s foreign debt grow from five to twenty billion US dollars?
— What questions would you ask him?
— About the constitutionality of his coming to power, about his policies, and not only the internal ones. Uzbekistan is no longer truly independent. He is, as well as members of the Mirziyoyev family, under the influence of Russian oligarchs. Rapprochement with Russia is contrary to the policy of Uzbekistan, which was established after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Why during the three years of Mirziyoyev’s reign did Uzbekistan’s foreign debt grow from five to twenty billion US dollars?
Why has not a single
opposition party been registered in the country over these three years, and why
are there no independent trade unions?
Human rights activist
Agzam Turgunov has made four attempts to register a human rights organisation
over the past year, and this is his tenth attempt in twenty years.
Why is Uzbekistan
closed for political emigrants who would like to return to their homeland?
Is the President of
Uzbekistan ready for the reaction the Uzbek people, whom he deprived of their citizenship
during his leadership, who have all the constitutional rights to recover their citizenship
and demand compensation for lost property, using international legal
mechanisms?
What are the Uzbek
authorities doing for their citizens who have left to work in Russia? How do
they help them exercise their rights?
And further, for
example, we still do not know what position Osh refugees are in - this topic is
taboo. Are they extradited to neighbouring Kyrgyzstan after the start of active
cooperation between the two states, or do they remain in Uzbekistan? If so,
under what conditions, do they have documents, and which ones?
If we are talking
about progress in access to information, is it not time to computerise
educational institutions, rather than showing the speeches of Mirziyoyev filled
with grand rhetoric on the Akhborot news programme?
Uzbekistan continues
to practice slave labour and torture in places of detention, therefore
protection from slavery and torture is an absolute priority. Why is this
practice allowed to continue in the country?
Shavkat Mirziyoyev
could go down in history as a reformer, but this, unfortunately, this has not
yet happened.
KZ.EXPERT
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