South Korea turns blind eye on practice of systematic torture in Uzbekistan

There are only five days remaining before South Korean authorities are scheduled to extradite an Uzbek citizen, Abdoolla Rabiev. South Korea denied him political refugee status. The reason for denial: “Uzbekistan has well-functioning democratic institutions” to protect the rights of its citizens. There is an extreme urgency for international intervention into Rabiev’s case.

Abdoolla Rabiev

Abdoolla Rabiev, born on March 8, 1976, is an entrepreneur.
He has been persecuted by Uzbeki authorities since 1998 on the grounds of being a radical Muslim. However, Abdoolla denies having any connection to the Hizb ut-Tahrir, or any other radical religious party. He has fled to South Korea in 2001, and has lived there since.

On February 23, 2009, Abdoolla Rabiev, Uzbek citizen, was arrested in Suwon, South Korea, as part of a police raid on illegal immigrants. He has since been detained in another South Korean town, Chungju. Neither Abdoolla nor his lawyer are hopeful that South Korea will grant him a political refugee status. It is most likely that South Korean authorities will extradite Abdoolla back to Uzbekistan. All his prior appeals for refugee status have been so far denied.

Abdoolla has fled severe religious persecution in Uzbekistan, with authorities accusing him of being part of one of the banned extremist Islamist groups, Hizb ut-Tahrir. Eight of his family members have been given extensive jail time based on these allegations. One of his brothers is already serving jail time at a secret location. Some of Abdoolla’s family members had their toenails and fingernails ripped out to force them to confess to false allegations (a common practice in Uzbekistan).

There are numerous cases similar to Abdoolla’s: Uzbek citizens persecuted on the grounds of allegedly outlawed religious practices fleeing to South Korea and residing there illegally. The majority, however, lives in hiding, and Abdoolla’s attempt to secure a refugee is an exception. If South Korea decides to grant him a refugee status, it would have to legalize many other illegal migrants from Uzbekistan. This, in addition to South Korea’s close economic ties to Uzbekistan, and its perception of Uzbekistan as a democratic country, are likely to be determining factors in favor of ignoring Abdoollah’s case, and in turn, the UN Refugee Convention and the UN Convention Against Torture (Article 3).

We urge the United Nations, media, and international community to bring awareness to Abdoolla Rabiev’s case and to South Korea’s undemocratic behavior. Intervention into his case is urgently needed not only to prevent him from being tortured in Uzbekistan, but also to save lives of many other Uzbek migrants in South Korea. We advocate South Korea to follow its responsibilities under Article 3 of the UN Convention Against Torture, which clearly states: “No State Party shall expel, return ("refouler") or extradite a person to another State where there are substantial grounds for believing that he would be in danger of being subjected to torture.”
Abdoolla Rabiev is waiting for your support!

Please send in your support messages by no later than March 5th, 2011 to the following address:

National Committee on Human Rights
Gumsegi Building, No. 16, Ulgiro 1-ga, Jung-gu, Seoul, Korea, 100-842
Telephone: +82-2-2125-9700
Complaints Hotline: 1331 or (02-1331)
Fax: +82-2-2125-9718

If writing by email, please include “The Case of Uzbek Citizen, Abdoolla Rabiev” in the subject line.

We would also appreciate if you would send your support letters by fax to Abdoolla’s lawyer:
+82-2-3477-4229, or by email to our organization: asiecentrale@neuf.fr


The Absurd Verdict: Uzbekistan has convicted Yuri Korepanov, a Russian citizen, for “betraying his Uzbek motherland”

Although he is a Russian citizen, 63 years old Yuri Korepanov, was tried as a citizen of Uzbekistan and convicted to 16 years in prison. It appears that the evidence against him has been forged. Korepanov has a level 2 disability, and has serious heart problem. We urge the international community to promptly assist him.

Yuri Korepanov
Yuri Korepanov was born on March 20th 1947 in Pokrovskoe, a village in the  Alapaev district of the Sverdlov region. In 1967, he graduated from Tashkent Tank Command College with honors. He started his career training new recruits, and reached the position of commander of the battalion at the military college in Tashkent. He subsequently graduated from Marshal Malinovsky's Military Academy of Tank Corps. After graduation, he was transferred to the military department of the Agricultural Irrigation and Mechanization Institute in Tashkent. In 2002, Korepanov ended his military career, having reached the rank of colonel and the post of Head of the military department of this institute. He is a retiree of Russia’s Ministry of Defense, and the recipient of various awards and medals of the Ministries of Defense of Russia and Uzbekistan.
Background of the case
In May 2003, having left the Military Forces of Uzbekistan, the retired colonel Korepanov moved to Russia as a permanent resident. Soon after that he received Russian citizenship, as evidenced by his passport, which was issued at the Artyomov city department of the Ekaterinburg Internal Affairs office. In 2004, Korepanov withdrew his registration and returned his Uzbek passport to Mirzo-Ulugbek passport office in Tashkent.  He visited his chronically ill son in Tashkent every year, using his Russian passport. Stamps in his passport serve as proof of that, which have been provided immediately to the Russian and Uzbek state agencies.

On October 30, 2010, an Uzbek border patrol removed Yuri Korepanov from the train at the Keles train station on the Uzbek-Kazakh border. Korepanov was traveling from Tashkent to Ekaterinburg. Since then he has been kept at the pre-trial detention center of the Uzbek National Security Office.

Validity of the charge
On January 11th 2011, the Military Court of Uzbekistan found Korepanov guilty as a citizen of Uzbekistan. He has been sentenced to 16 years in prison, based on the following Articles of Uzbekistan's penal code:  Article 223 (illegally leaving or entering Uzbekistan) - 1 year; Article 157 (treason in favor of the Russian Federation) - 15 years. The fact that he has been a Russian citizen since 2004 has been completely ignored.

The trial lasted only one month. During the trial Yuri Korepanov was not given access to a lawyer, which violated his right for defense, provided by Articles 48 and 49 of the Code of Criminal Procedure of Uzbekistan (CCP). He was subjected to moral and psychological pressure. He was told that should he not confess, his son, who lives in Uzbekistan and suffers from insulin-dependent diabetes, would be prosecuted. Korepanov did not confess.

In violation of the Article 475 of the CCP of Uzbekistan, which states that the convicted individual should be given a copy of the verdict, Korepanov did not get the copy. The copy should be provided to the convict no later than 3 days after its announcement, and in case of a big volume, no later than in 10 days after that. Only after assistance from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia and under public pressure, a lawyer was granted permission to get acquainted with the case but he was asked to sign a non-disclosure letter. The lawyer managed to file an appeal of the verdict.

According to Korepanov’s son, Dmitri Korepanov, his father was initially accused of flying into Uzbekistan using his Russian passport, but leaving the country with his Uzbek passport. There was also information that he received exit and Schenghen visas, and left for Italy. However the defense proved that the defendant was not issued an Uzbek passport after becoming Russian citizen, and the prosecutor agreed with it. In the end, Yuri Korepanov was charged according to Article 223 of the penal code for illegally getting Russian citizenship, and therefore illegally crossing the borders with his Russian passport when visiting his youngest son from 2004 until his arrest.

The accusation of betraying the motherland (Article 157 of CCP of Uzbekistan) appears strange, if not absurd. First of all, Yuri Korepanov is a Russian citizen. Moreover, for over 10 years he did not have access to official information, and especially to state secrets of Uzbekistan. Korepanov could not threaten sovereignty, territorial integrity, security, defense or economy of Uzbekistan. He had served in Uzbekistan for 40 years, and received various Soviet awards for it. The Uzbek authorities have tried to deny that, but the documents proving the awards and service record have been in Russia for many years already.
Special circumstances
Yuri Korepanov has a level 2 disability. His health condition can be seriously compromised during imprisonment. 

Association “Human Rights in Central Asia” considers the verdict of imprisoning Yuri Korepanov for 16 years illegal, and calls for his immediate release.

* * *
Observations of the Association “Human Rights in Central Asia” over the position of Russian people in Uzbekistan highlight that Yuri Korepanov’s case is not exceptional. About 100 Russian are currently serving various sentences. A number of them, former Uzbek citizens, were found guilty according to the Article 223 of the Criminal Code of Uzbekistan. Some of them were victims of extortion from customs and law enforcement bodies.

In Uzbekistan there is a widespread practice of illegal expropriations of former Uzbek citizens who still have belongings there. According to the law, people who want to abandon Uzbek citizenship should fill out a form indicating their will and submit it to the Uzbek Embassy in Moscow. However Uzbek authorities purposely take a long time to approve such requests. According to the law “On Citizenship of the Republic of Uzbekistan”, the citizenship is annulled only after a Decree of the President of Uzbekistan is published. This process often lasts a few years.

Meanwhile according to the Russian legislation, for annulment of other citizenship it suffices to submit mail receipt confirming that the applicant has sent the appropriate forms and passport to his/her country. Deliberate delaying of procedures lets Uzbek officials extort money from their former citizens. Many people visit Uzbekistan with their Russian passports after completing all procedures of abandoning Uzbek citizenship. In Uzbekistan they find themselves trapped by corrupted officials who use the imperfect legislation in their own interests. Usually these people are prosecuted according to the Article 223 of the Uzbek Criminal Code. Some of them pay fines but some get into prisons.

Eight former citizens of Uzbekistan have approached our organization. They were deprived of their properties after officials found out they became citizens of another country. For instance, Elena Levenchik who is now a Russian citizen came back to Gulistan to sell her privatized five-bedroom apartment and found her apartment occupied by the dean of the Gulistan State Pedagogical University, Tashkenbaev Ulugbek Nigmatovich. He broke into her apartment. As a result of this illegal action by Tashkenbaev, Levenchuk lost her belongings and the apartment. In spite of threatening by the illegal tenant and the district militiaman, Levenchik filed a claim and won the case. However, the decision of the court was not enforced in practice, and enforcement officials suggested her to leave the country in peace. Tashkenbaev resold the apartment to a third party. This self-professed “honest” buyer purchased the apartment even though Levenchik’s son was the registered owner. 

Employees of the housing organizations, heads of mahalla (street) committees, militiamen, and other state employees, are actively involved in the property take over procedures by identifying apartments of people who live abroad. The first victims of this tyranny are those who emigrated to Russia and Ukraine.

The association “Human Rights in Central Asia” will continue to monitor the respect of the rights of foreign citizens who have previously held Uzbek citizenship.


Czech Republic Discosure of information on the wherabouts of refugees

The Department of Refugee and Migrant Policy of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Czech Republic shall not extend the period of stay for refugees on its territory, when in the passport of the mother, there is not attached a photograph of their newborn children. Including for those refugees, for whom it would be necessary to go to the embassy of the country from which they are being pursued. It is known that there are no fewer than 40 cases in which the Czech Republic contributed to the disclosure of the whereabouts of refugees.

In the Czech Republic, on the birth or death certificate, including those of foreign nationals are issued by the state agencies – on the municipal level. If a child is born to a family of asylum seekers, whose applications are under consideration, the municipality informs the embassy of the family’s country of origin. Should the applicant be refused asylum, and the applicant repeatedly asks for asylum, he/she will be forced to apply to the embassy of his country in order to attach the record of the birth of the child to the mother’s passport.

In 2006-2008, employees of embassies of Central Asian countries in the Czech Republic, without question, attached photographs of children born outside of the country of their parents, into the passports of the parents. However, then diplomats began to ask why the families are located overseas.

After 2008 when 200 refugees from Kazakhstan held a picket in Prague demanding a decision to deport them the Kazakhstan authorities compiled a list of members of Muslim communities in Western Kazakhstan. According to the refugees, this list was put together by the Kazakhstan Embassy in the Czech Republic from the records of newborns in the passports of their parents. Since that time, through their relatives in Kazakhstan, they pressured the refugees to voluntarily return back to their country.

Uzbekistan is similarly pursuing its citizens who remain overseas longer than the maximum allowed length of time (2 years). Violators face imprisonment for between 5 to 10 years under Article 223 of the Penal Code (illegal exit abroad or illegal entry into the Republic of Uzbekistan). This category of individuals is charged with a formal violation of Article 223. The fact is that should they return to their country of origin, they can be charged with a crime. The misinterpretation of this article is in violation of Article 12 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (right to freedom of movement).

Our organization received statements from refugees from Central Asia and their relatives indicating that the registration of births and deaths of foreigners in the Czech Republic poses a threat to the relatives of refugees who remain in their country of origin. We are aware of cases in which the latter were forced to travel to the Czech Republic to try and urge the refugees to return to Kazakhstan.

Several families have already left the Czech Republic and live in another EU country, concealing their whereabouts from their relatives in Kazakhstan. But based on the Dublin Agreement, they may face deportation to the Czech Republic. Then, since 2006, no one from this group of applicants was granted refugee status as an individual facing religious persecution. The Czech Republic still gives this group of refugees the right of residence only on humanitarian grounds, even if the applicant has been a victim of torture. And those who remain in the Czech Republic, which register the birth of their child, do so stating that their child is a person without citizenship. But the Department for Refugee and Migrant Policy of the Ministry of Internal Affairs began to express their complaints that refugees have ceased to follow their system, in which they are to specify the citizenship of their newborns.

The Convention obliges the state not to disclose information which provides asylum seekers, including those about his whereabouts and did not encourage refugees in contact with the authorities of the country which pursues them.

The Association «Human Rights in Central Asia» calls on the Czech Republic to amend the system of registration of births and deaths of foreigners temporarily residing on its territory. Registration procedures should be harmonized with the obligations of the Czech Republic to enact the UN Convention on the Status of Refugees. The Convention obliges the state not to disclose information they are provided by asylum seekers, including information about his/her whereabouts, and does not force refugees to contact the authorities of the country which pursues them. 

Association for Human Rights in Central Asia

Centre MBE 140, 16, rue de Docteur Leroy, 72000 Le Mans FRANCE
Tel.: +(33) 6 49 38 86 59; E-Mail:asiecentrale@neuf.fr


European Council presents Uzbek textiles with tariff privileges

despite the fact that Uzbek textiles are made from cotton harvested by the slave labor of children 

Activists and friends of Uzbekistan’s civil society
call for a review of this decision
and for a boycott of Uzbek cotton and textiles.

Upon the conclusion of the scandalous visit of Uzbekistan’s dictator, Islam Karimov, to Brussels, European Commission President José Manuel Barroso, in a statement issued on January 24, 2011, touched on the issue of child labor and called on Karimov to receive an ILO monitoring mission.

EU officials periodically demonstrate this kind of concern about human rights in Uzbekistan. But such practices have only shown that such verbal exhortations have not resulted in real, practical results.

But how does Brussels uses all the levers at its disposal, which could actually affect the human rights situation in Uzbekistan?

Just a few days after Islam Karimov’s controversial visit to Brussels, a visit that became the subject of widespread criticism in the media and civil society, the European Council, at its meeting on January 31, approved the signature of a protocol for an agreement of partnership and cooperation between the EU and Uzbekistan, which extends to trade in textiles. The text of the protocol seeks the approval of the European Parliament.

In practical terms, the signing of the protocol means giving Uzbek textiles various tariff and custom privileges and free access to European markets. Furthermore, this decision sends a political signal to all interested parties that there is nothing wrong in importing textiles from Uzbekistan. It is noteworthy that this decision was taken against the backdrop of an expanding boycott of Uzbek cotton and cotton products due to ethical considerations by a number of Western companies. Apparently, these ethical considerations were completely alien to the authors of the protocol.

Taking into consideration that the textile industry of Uzbekistan uses raw cotton that is harvested by the forced labor of hundreds of thousands of Uzbek children and students, the decision to trade in such textiles can only be interpreted as a silent and de facto encouragement of the practice of forced and child labor that violates the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, the ILO Conventions on Forced and Child Labor, as well as other norms of international law on human rights.

We would like to remind that, despite Uzbekistan’s adoption of laws prohibiting child labor, as well as Uzbekistan’s international commitments, the widespread practice of forcing children as well as students from colleges and universities, as well as civil servants, has not ended in Uzbekistan since the Stalin era. The exploitation of child labor has only intensified after Uzbekistan became an independent state.

In this case, unlike in other developing countries, child labor in Uzbekistan is encouraged and organized by the state. Schools, colleges, and universities are closed for two-to-three months every cotton season.  This is done with the consent of the Ministries of General and Higher Education. Decrees with directions for children and students are issued by the local authorities, who in turn serve the central government. Those families who refuse to send their children to pick cotton are subject to intimidation, threatened with the loss of social benefits, gas supply, water, electricity, while their children are threatened with exclusion from educational institutions.

Just as children are victims of this system, so are the farmers who have no right to choose what they sow on their land, and at what price they may sell the harvested cotton. The lion’s share of profit from cotton exports goes into the pockets of a small circle of people around the president, and to support the repressive apparatus.

Although an ILO monitoring mission is still not allowed entry to Uzbekistan, Uzbek human rights defenders, journalists, and activists were able to gather enough materials to document large-scale forced labor practices. Copies of their reports on their research findings were sent to various offices of the European Union. Thus, the individuals preparing the decision of the European Council on textile cooperation with Uzbekistan cannot claim that they were not informed on this issue. If necessary, these reports can be provided again.

We are not opposed to social and economic cooperation between the EU and Uzbekistan. But we believe that the cotton and textile industries should be excluded from this cooperation, as these sectors are based on large scale and systematic violations of human rights, in particular the rights of children to education.

The decision of the European Council sends the wrong message to European institutions, companies, and communities, as well as to the Government and people of Uzbekistan. It is at odds with the obligations of the EU to promote human rights in Central Asia.

If the European Council considers that sanctions against Uzbekistan are counterproductive, then it is questionable why, in the same document, dated January 31, sanctions are imposed against Belarus, whose regime is, compared with Uzbekistan, not less harsh towards its citizens. Where is the logic and consistency in the actions of the European Council?

Based on the above, we call for:

European Councilto inform the public and the press about the reasons for its decision, to reconsider its decision to approve the protocol, as it relates to trade in textiles.

European Parliament, and all of its factions – before making a decision on the text of the protocol in its current form, to hold consultations with civil society representatives and to make a decision taking into account international law on human rights.

European Commissionto suspend the Generalized System of Preferences under which Uzbek cotton and textiles were exempted from EU custom tariffs and taxes, and have preferential access to European markets.

European companies importing cotton – to boycott Uzbek cotton.

European trading houses, associations and retailers - to boycott textile products from Uzbekistan, including joint ventures producing textiles in this country.

Citizens of EU countries – send their letters of protest to their MPs to the European Parliament, to use their voice to defend Uzbek children; send letters of protest directly to the European Council and to the European Commission to reconsider their decision to cooperate with Uzbekistan in the field of trade in textiles.  

These measures must be taken until Uzbekistan discontinues the practice of forced labor and the ILO, through an independent analysis, confirms that this practice has ended.
*  *  *
Speaking at the annual Munich Security Conference on 5 February 2011, Chancellor Angela Merkel of Germany said that the European Union should make no compromises when it comes to defending human rights in any regions of the world. There should be no compromises,’ she said.  We hope the same approach will be applied to Uzbekistan as well.

Those wishing to join the petition, send your letters to:  asiecentrale@neuf.fr


1. Jodgor Obid, poet, member of International PEN, Austria
2. Мutabar Tajibayeva, head of the Human Rights Club "Flaming Heart", France
3. Abdujalil Boymatov, Chairman of the Human Rights Society of Uzbekistan, Ireland
4.  Bashorat Eshova, сoordinator of the Human Rights Society of Uzbekistan in Switzerland
5. Gulshan Karaeva, chairman of Human Rights Society of Uzbekistan, Kashkadarya Region, Uzbekistan
6. Ismail Dadajonov, chairman of the Democratic Forum of Uzbekistan, Sweden
7. Nadejda Atayeva, president of the Association for Human Rights in Central Asia, France
8. Bakhodir Namazov, Committee to release prisoners of conscience in Uzbekistan
9. Tulkin Qoraev, the Human Rights Society of Uzbekistan, Sweden
10. Avaz Fayazov, The international organization Human Rights Defenders, Sweden
11. Yusuf Rasulov, Journalist, Sweden
12. Abdurahimov Abdulatif, Political refugee Sweden
13. Dilmurod Isakov, Human Rights Society of Uzbekistan Ezgulik, Sweden
14. Abdumalik Bakaev, Political refugee Sweden
15. Avaz Isakov, Human Rights Society of Uzbekistan Ezgulik, Sweden
16. Yusupov Bayramali, Political refugee, Denmark
17. Rafik Ganiev, Human Rights Society of Uzbekistan Ezgulik, Sweden
18. Nabijon Norbutaev, Political Party Birlik, Sweden
19. Muhiddin Qurbonov,The international organization Human Rights Defenders, Sweden
20. Asadullo Ahmedov, Political refugee, Norway
21. Dildora Ahmedova, Political refugee, Norway
22. Daniel Anderson, Political refugee, Norway
23. Devid Anderson, Political refugee, Norway
24. Shavkat Hodjaev, Political Party Birlik
25. Rufiya Kiyamova, Political Party Birlik
26. Ota Rahimov, the Democratic Forum of Uzbekistan
27. Davlat Kozimov, the Democratic Forum of Uzbekistan
28. Saodat Kazimova, the Democratic Forum of Uzbekistan
29.  Zahro Kazimova, the Democratic Forum of Uzbekistan
30. Bek Davronov, refugee
31. Ishanov Zubayd, refugee
32. Ibodat Karimova, refugee
33. Anvar Karimov, Political refugee, USA
34. Avaz Karimov, Political refugee, USA
35.  Ayub Karimov, Political refugee, USA
36. Inom Bobohonov, Political Party Birlik
37.  Ilhom Bobohonov, Political refugee, USA
38. Shamsuddin Isomutdinov, the Democratic Forum of Uzbekistan
39. Rustam Qobimov, the Democratic Forum of Uzbekistan
40. Farida Qosimova, the Democratic Forum of Uzbekistan
41. Karim Suyunov, the Democratic Forum of Uzbekistan
42. Rafik Eshmatov, the Democratic Forum of Uzbekistan
43. Bek Alibekov, the Democratic Forum of Uzbekistan
44.  Jamshid Bokiev, Human Rights Society of Uzbekistan Ezgulik, Sweden
45. Muhammadsolih Abutov, "Tayanch", Sweden
46. Dustnazar Hudoynazarov, Political Party ERK, Sweden
47. Asror Egamberdiev, Political refugee, Sweden
48. Khusniddin Kutbiddinov, journalist, Uzbekistan
49. Ulugbek Khaydarov, journalist, Canada
50. Hait Gafurov, Political party Birlik, Sweden
51. Hotam Hodjimatov, Human rights activist, Norway
52. Ulugbek Zaynabitdinov, member of political party Birlik, Sweden
53. Komil Ruzimatov, the Democratic Forum of Uzbekistan, Ukraine
54. Jalil Ikramov, the Democratic Forum of Uzbekistan, Ukraine

55. Dmitriy Belomestnov, representative of the ‘Human Rights in Central Asia Association’ in Russia

56. Roslana Taukina, President of ‘Journalists in Peril’
57. Dametken Alenova, Independent Human Rights Organizations, 'Women of Kazakhstan’
58. Irina Savostina, Leader of the Republican Movement of Retired ‘Generation’
59. Bakhitdjan Toregodjina, leader of ‘Кахар’, and Independent Human Rights Organization ‘Ар РУХ ХАК"
60. Igor Vinyavskiy, editor-in-chief of newspaper ‘Vzglyad’
61. Olesya Shelkova, ‘Vzglyad’ newspaper journalist
62. Vladimir Radionov, ‘Vzglyad’ newspaper journalist
63. Natalya Sherbakova, ‘Vzglyad’ newspaper journalist
64. Igor Zenin, ‘Vzglyad’ newspaper journalist
65. Karishal Asan-Ata, Social activist, writer
66. Aysulu Kadirbaeva, Public Fund "Kuretamyr, a member of the Writers' Union of Kazakhstan
67. Jarasal Kuanishalin, Public Association ‘Жаса, Азаттык!’
68. Bakhit Tumenova, Public Fund ‘Аман-саулык’
69. Mikhail Sizov, chief editor ‘Alga!’ newspaper
70. Irina Sovostina, Chairman of the Association of social and legal protection of retired ‘Generation’ of Republic of Kazakhstan
71. Marat Januzakov, MP Kokshetau city council
72. Igor Kolov, Public Association ‘Public Committee for Human Rights’
73. Viktor Novikov, Public Association ‘Aksakali’
74. Tamara Aukenova, Public fund ‘Kuretamir’, doctor
75. Serik Sapargali, Public Association “Ult Ruhi”
76. Yuriy Khramov, citizen of Kazakhstan
77. Yuliya Ananyina, Public Association ‘Association of protection of human rights and civil liberties’       
78. Oleg Barvin Public Association ‘Association of protection of motorists rights FORVERS’
79. Nikolay Chumakov, Public Association “Russian social and cultural Union”
80. Alimjan Jusupov, Public Association “Trade Union Shahtyor-Miner”
81. Aygul Daurenbekova, Kazakh Public Fund “Talmas”              
82. Sergey Leonov, journalist of Newspaper “Alga”       
83. Alena Mloznyak, Public Association” Trade Union of entrepreneurs of public services”      
84. Adilzhan Kinzhegaleev, PA "Free Trade Union of Workers of Ore"  
85. Natalya Shteinbeck, Kostanay Regional Centre of Free Trade Unions        
86. Svetlana Tihanenko, NGO "Union of Consumer Protection Kostanai region"
87. Anvar Khasanov, Public Association “Movement of protection of pensioner’s rights of Rudnogo town”
88. Maria Kudrenko, member of council of PA ‘Generation’
89. Perizat Kasimova, NGO Centre for Protection of Human Rights 
90. Yelena Semenova, Public Association “Pavlodar Region-Leave housing to nation”
91. Antonina Dokucheva, Poblic Association “Shanyrak”
92. Kunsulu Maken, PA “Legal development of Kazakhstan”
93. Vasiliy Zavizenev, PA “Movement of Social and legal protection of public, Pokoleniye”
94. Erkebulan Aldabergenov, Youth Public Association- Ulan” Pavlodar Region
95. Sergey Izmaylov, “Youth of Petropavlovsk for Democratic Development”, PA “Public Committee of Human Rights”           
96. Valentina Makhotina, “Dialogue Plus”   
97. Indira Kakimova PA “Ariadna”
98. Irina Suvorova PA “Ariadna”, correspondent of Newspaper “Alga”
99. Maria Popova, PA “Ariadna”
100. Yelena Polyantseva, PA “Ariadna”
101. Raygul Tleukhanova, PA “Ariadana”
102. Yerlan Kaliev, PA “Ariadna”
103. Alexey Nestratov, PA “Ariadna”
104. Rufit Ahmedzyanov, PA “Ariadna”, journalist for newspaper “Alga”
105. Dmitriy Shmakov, PA “Ariadna”
106. Eduard Datchikov, PA “Protection of Environment”
107. Natalya Tomilova, PA “Miner Family”
108. Tahir Muhamedzyanov, PA “Miner Family”
109. Danil Nosenko, NGO "Union for the Protection of the rights and freedoms of citizens
110. Ruslan Simbinov, Astana City Organizing Committee for the establishment of NP "Alga!”
111. Muhit Nurmahan, Kyzylorda Organizing Committee for establishment of NP “Alga!”
112. Sagat Jusip, Advisor for “Alga!” National Party
113. Anarkulov Sarmagambetova, NGO "Detar"
114. Adihan Mambetaliyev, Regional Chief of KPK branch
115. Ibrashuly Sarbulak, Editor of Newspaper “Samala”
116. Gazyz Tortbaev , PA "Ana tili"
117. Guljan Tulemisova, Chief of Aktobe regional committee for the establishment of NP "Alga!"
118. Raziya Aktayeva, PA “Ariadna”
119. Valentian Kadola, PA “Pokoleniye-Generation”
120. Dametken Zharylkasynova, Zhambyl regional  committee for protection of Human Rights
121. Rauf Sabitov, PA Mountain club ‘Жабыглы-Манас’
122. Varvara Naydenova, PA Ladies club ‘Veronika’
123. Ademe Ilyasova, Public Association ‘Отандастар’
124. Baniamin Fayzulin, Taldykorgan city parent committee
125. Rustam Akhmarov, journalist ‘Alga!’
126. Natalya Nurlanova, journalist "Алга"
127. Irina Titovskaya, journalist ‘Alga!’
128. Svetlana Mausumbaeva, First secretary of city committee (Ust-Kamenogorsk)
129. Vladimir Buravtsev, Public Association ‘Generation’
130. Jumabek Ibraev, Public Association ‘Ариадна’
131. Svetlana Grigoryeva, Public Association ‘Ариадна’
132. Askar Shaygumarov, Union orphanages West Kazakhstan region
133. Anargul Abenova, West-Kazakhstan regional committee for the establishment NP "Alga!"
134. Viktor Belyaev, journalist ‘Alga!’
135. Djenis Dosjanov, The head of the organizing committee of National party ‘Alga!’
136. Ernazar Perniev, First Secretary of the Communist Party branch in South Kazakhstan Region
137. Makhan Kulmuhanbet, Public Association, ‘Aral-Eco’ 
138. Galimjan Maykhanov, ‘Union of local wars  and Afghanistan veterans’
139. Tatyana Kisileva, PA ‘Bureau of Human Rights’
140. Djarkinbek Seytinbet, Public Association, ‘Institutions of democratic development’
141. Zulaykho Sultonova, Public Association, ‘Оралман’
142. Marat Davesov, Public Association, ‘League of Voters’
143. Kulaysha Shakirova, Public Association, ‘Muslim Women's League’
144. Olga Lee, Public Association, ‘Center for Women and Child Protection’, South Kazakhstan region
145. Kuralay Bekenova, Public Association, ‘Association of Business Women of Kazakhstan’ South Kazakhstan Valley branch
146. Khadicha Abisheva, Public Association ‘Sana-Sezim’ Legal Centre for Women's Initiatives
149. Maken Gaysina, Public Association ‘Movement’ and ‘Generation’
150. Natalya Arbudu, Kazakhstan citizen
151.  Musina Sholpan, Kazakhstan citizen 
152. Asel Tegisbaeva, Kazakhstan citizen 
153. Tatyana Spitsina, Kazakhstan citizen 
154. Aygul Sarsenbayeva, Kazakhstan citizen
155. Tolkin Kidikova, Kazakhstan citizen 
156. Danil Bekturganov, Kazakhstan citizen 
157. Ogay Stella, Kazakhstan citizen 
158. Fominikh Tatyana, Kazakhstan citizen
159. Kendje Adenov, Kazakhstan citizen
160. Ayjangul Amirova, Kazakhstan citizen
161. Yesenbaev Nurxat, Kazakhstan citizen

163.  Leyla Yunus, Institute of Peace and Democracy
164. Hikmet Hajizade, FAR Center
165. Matanat Azizova, Women’s Crisis Centre
166. Ismail Veliyev, “Ganjabasar” newspaper
167. Elchin Mammad, Social Union of Legal Education of Sumgait Youth
168. Hafiz Safihanov, Azerbaijan’s Campaign to Band Landmines
169. Zahir Amanov, “Janub Heberleri” newspaper
170. Alovsat Aliyev, Azerbaijan Migration Centre
171. Ilgar Gasimov, ”Legal Aid” (Lenkoran city)
172. Mehman Aliyev, “Turan” News Agency
173. Anar Mammedli, Election Monitoring and Democratic Studies Centre
174. Mirvari Gahramanli, Protection of Oil Workers’ Rights
175. Elchin Behbudov, Azerbaijan Committee Against Torture
176. Hikmet Hajizade, FAR Center
177. Intigam Aliyev, Legal Education Society
178. Leyla Aliyeva, Center for National and International Studies
179. Hilal Mammedov, “Tolishi Sado” newspaper
180. Emin Huseynov, Institute for Reporters’ Freedom and Society
181. Annagi Hacibeyli, Azerbaijan Lawyers Association
182. Alekber Mammedov, Center for Democratic and Civil Control of the Military
183. Shakir Agaev, Newspaper “Novoye Vremya”
184. Eldar Zeynalov, Director Human Rights Center of Azerbaijan

185. Vyacheslav Mamedov, Chairman, Democratic Civil Union of Turkmenistan

186. Lyudmila Kozlovskaya, Vice-director of the ‘Открытый Диалог’, Poland
187. Marek Pavlovskiy, member of ‘Гражданская Платформа’ party, Poland
188. Anddjey Shlivinskiy, NGO ‘Young Democracts’, Poland
189. Ivan Sherstyuk, candidate of the party ‘Pora’, the founder of the ‘Open Dialogue’, Ukraine-Poland
190. Yaroslav Pristash, chief editor of ‘Our Word’, Poland

191. Levan Djorbenadze, founder of the "Dialogue for Development 2008", Georgia

Association for Human Rights in Central Asia
Centre MBE 140, 16, rue de Docteur Leroy, 
72000 Le Mans FRANCE
Tel.: +(33) 6 49 38 86 59; 
Email: asiecentrale@neuf.fr