25.10.19

Uzbekistan : reforming or redecorating?

This special issue prepared for the CIVICUS Monitor by the Association for Human Rights in Central Asia (AHRCA) and International Partnership for Human Rights (IPHR), provides an overview reflecting some of the main developments in freedom of expression, association and peaceful assembly in Uzbekistan from April 2018 to early October 2019.

In the past year and a half, the government under president Mirziyoyev has passed numerous new laws, decrees and regulations on a broad range of issues. Some expert sources estimate that around 2000 pieces of legislation have come into force since President Mirziyoyev came to power and the sheer volume has caused confusion and delays in implementation. The reform agenda is being implemented in a top-down manner, and currently lacks both shared understanding and ownership in the broader governmental administration as well as among citizens. In addition, the reforms are seen by national and international observers as being predominantly driven by economic considerations, a strategy which risks undermining much-needed political and human rights reforms in the judiciary, law enforcement, security and other key sectors.

From 17th to 21st October 2019, IPHR visited Uzbekistan for the first time since President Mirziyoyev came to power, at the invitation of the government. IPHR was able to discuss these reforms with relevant state representatives.

From 19th to 25th September 2019, the UN Special Rapporteur on the independence of judges and lawyers, Diego Garcia-Sayan, visited Uzbekistan for the first time. During his visit, he met President Mirziyoyev, representatives of the Ministry of Justice, the Prosecutor General’s Office and lawyers, as well as representatives of civil society, representatives of the academic community, UN agencies, donors and diplomats.

A statement released by the Special Rapporteur at the end of the visit concluded that despite some positive steps, “[s] ubstantial threats against judicial independence and the rule of law remain,” and referred to “the heavy and constant presence of the security services throughout society and Uzbekistan’s institutions”. The Special Rapporteur also recommended that Uzbekistan “take action to strengthen and improve the participation of civil society in the justice process”.

The Special Rapporteur will present a comprehensive report containing his findings and recommendations to the Human Rights Council in Geneva in June 2020.

Association

The operating environment for NGOs remains highly challenging despite the government’s stated intent to allow space for civil society and human rights defenders to carry out their work. No independent human rights organisation has been able to register in the period under review. The only registered independent human rights organisation in Uzbekistan is the NGO Ezgulik (registered since 2003). National law prohibits the activities of unregistered NGOs and provides for both administrative and criminal penalties for involvement in such activities. There have been reports of harassment and intimidation by state officials towards lawyers who assist with attempts to legally register human rights NGOs.
  
For example, attempts by several human rights activists to register the NGO Restoration of Justice have been unsuccessful and are believed to have led to retaliation against the activists involved. On 28th February 2019 former political prisoners and human rights defenders Azam Farmonov, Dilmurod Saidov and Agzam Turgunov attempted to register the organisation but the application was rejected on the grounds that an additional state tax had to be paid and that the number of founders needed to be increased from the proposed five to ten. On 23rd May 2019, the three human rights defenders submitted a new application for registration. However, on 8th August 2019 they were notified that their request had been denied again. They will be allowed to submit a new application only after three months, in November 2019. 
  
On the positive side, President Mirziyoyev decreed in April 2018 that civil society should be consulted on draft legislation affecting it and introduced new regulations which stipulated that registered NGOs were no longer required to obtain government approval in order to conduct events. However, the new registration system, which came into force in January 2019, continues to require NGOs to inform the authorities about planned events 10 or 20 days in advance (the latter if activities involve international organisations). Additionally, it obliges NGOs to inform the Ministry of Justice of receipt of foreign funding. The burdensome state controls over NGO registration, funding and activities, coupled with ongoing restrictions on freedom of expression, continue to obstruct the work of NGOs in the country.
  
In November 2018 the Uzbekistani government held an international conference on human rights in Samarkand, the Asian Human Rights Forum, organised by the Presidential Human Rights Centre with the support of the UN and the OSCE. The conference offered a new platform for dialogue between the government, local civil society and international organisations to discuss ongoing challenges and ways forward in this area. Several national and international human rights organisations expressed regret at the lack of openness shown by the authorities towards engaging in constructive dialogue with local independent civil society groups, who were virtually excluded from the Forum.

Surveillance, intimidation and harassment of civil society activists and journalists

In the period under review, local independent civil society activists, journalists and human rights defenders have continued to face reprisals for their peaceful activities and many of the former political prisoners who were released from prison since President Mirziyoyevcame to power have been subjected to state surveillance.

The Uzbekistani State Security Services are reported to continue to keep and update lists with the names of former political prisoners and government critics, including civil society activists and journalists who have taking part in protest actions or social network petitions. Surveillance and harassment continue in relation to the people on these lists, including by local police officers and representatives of mahalla (neighbourhood) committees.

For example, since October 2018, human rights defenders Agzam Turgunov, Azam Farmonov and Dilmurod Saidov have reported regular state surveillance, phone tapping and intimidation. On 20th October 2018, IPHR representatives visited Tashkent and witnessed how unknown individuals dressed in plain clothes walked in front of Agzam Turgunov’s home. The same day Turgunov told IPHR that he had seen unknown people standing under his window, had been followed by cars as he moved around the city on public transport, and that he had been told by representatives of the local Mahalla committee that law enforcement officials were asking about him.

On 28th October 2018, as Turgunov travelled to Paris to attend the World Summit of Human Rights Defenders he was questioned in the airport by the authorities on his departure and return. The three human rights defenders have also reported being threatened by law enforcement officials: late in 2018, Dilmurod Saidov was warned that he would be subjected to enforced psychiatric treatment if he refused to cease his human rights work and on 25th March 2019, a security service officer who was watching Turgunov’s home told him he should be careful not to be knocked down by a car. The same month both Turgunov and Saidov reported being repeatedly prevented from leaving their homes by law enforcement officials surrounding the buildings where they lived.

On 11th September 2019, Turgunov was summoned by police and questioned for several hours - particularly as to whether he is in contact with the exiled leader of the Erk opposition party, and what he thought of this party.

In September 2019, during the visit of the UN Special Rapporteur on the Independence of Judges and Lawyers, Diego Garcia-Sayan, several human rights defenders reported increased surveillance by the State Security Services (SGB). Agzam Turgunov was visited on 19th September by two SGB officers who asked him about his scheduled meeting with the UN Special Rapporteur and offered to drive him to the meeting. Formerly imprisoned independent journalist Bobomurod Abdullayev also reported that during the Special Rapporteur’s visit to Uzbekistan in September 2019 there was heavy surveillance by security officials who surrounded his home.

Politically motivated persecution

Trumped up administrative charges against civil society activists

Agzam Turgunov has faced three sets of administrative charges over the period under review: in August 2018 and in March and June 2019. He was charged, among others, with failure to comply with legal orders given by a law enforcement officer (Article 194 of the Administrative Code). The third time the court amended the charge to hooliganism. Domestic legislation in Uzbekistan provides that if a person has already been convicted twice on a particular administrative charge, the third offence of the same nature will automatically be considered a criminal offence and penalised accordingly. There is reason to believe that the charges have been brought in retaliation for Turgunov’s efforts to register the new human rights NGO ‘Restoration of Justice’ and to intimidate him and discourage his human rights work. 

On 30th August 2018, Turgunov was found guilty of failing to comply with the orders of a police officer after taking photos of peaceful protesters allegedly at a prohibited location, i.e. outside the Supreme Court. Turgunov claims he did not disobey orders but simply asked a man in plainclothes who Turgunov believed to be a police officer to show his police identification. Turgunov appealed the decision and at the appeal hearing on 30th November 2018, according to Turgunov and the defence witness, the judge insulted them and ordered law enforcement officials to detain them as he claimed they had disturbed the proceedings. They were released later that evening after international intervention. Both Turgunov and the witness lodged complaints about the judge’s behaviour.

On 30th March 2019, Turgunov received a court summons informing him that he was being charged with “defamation”, “contempt of court” and “failure to comply with the orders of law enforcement officials” (articles 41, 180 and 194 of the Administrative Code). The first two charges related to the events at the appeal hearing. Turgunov’s appeal against the sentence handed down on 30 August 2018 and his complaint about the judge’s behaviour are still pending.

On 4th June 2019, a Tashkent District Administrative Court found Turgunov guilty of hooliganism (Article 183 of the Administrative Code), and ordered him to pay a fine after he told a traffic inspector who had pulled over his son’s car, to stop shouting. Before each administrative fine reported here, Agzam Turgunov reports that his house was put under surveillance and he was visited by a representative of the mahalla (neighbourhood) committee, who was required to write reports about Turgunov’s behaviour for the law enforcement agencies.


Expression
   
The last year and a half have seen a gradual increase in transparency in Uzbekistan’s media landscape with increased news reporting and coverage in Uzbekistan by journalists and bloggers who work for registered online publications.
  
However, throughout much of 2018, the Uzbekistani authorities continued to restrict access to the websites of a number of independent media publications, including FerganaNews Ozodlik (the Uzbek service of RFE/RL), Eurasia net, AsiaTerra and Uzmetronom, as well as sites of some well-known international human rights organisations. A government decree adopted in 2018, which authorised the blocking of news media “promot(ing) extremist propaganda or hateful content online” without a court order, exacerbated concerns about access to independent news media. There is concern that this vaguely worded provision may be used to arbitrarily restrict access to online resources.

In April 2019, the OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media, Harlem Désir, issued a statement calling on the authorities in Uzbekistan to end the blocking of media sites in order to ensure that important news and current affairs resources be made accessible to the public. Désir stated:
“I would like to reiterate to the state authorities that any blocking measures can only be justified in accordance with international standards, used only in exceptional cases, and be strictly proportionate to the legitimate aim pursued.”
In a positive development in May 2019, Komil Allamjonov, Director of the Agency for Information and Mass Communications under the Presidential Administration of Uzbekistan (AIMKA),publicly stated that he had looked into the issue of access to the websites of several news outlets and international human rights NGOs and restored full access to them, including: Voice of America, Amerika ovozi, the Uzbek BBC service, Deutsche Welle, Eurasianet, AsiaTerra, Fergana News, Uzmetronom, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, Reporters sans Frontieres, and others.

The stance taken by Komil Allamzhonov and the deputy director of AIMKA Sayra Mirziyoyev (eldest daughter of President Mirziyoyev) contrasts with the more passive position adopted by the national press centre and expressed at Presidential press conferences. AIMKA has created an effective mechanism for regulating information policy and, at the same time, media outlets and journalists can now access the official version of events and compare it with information from other sources.

News correspondents who received accreditation in 2019 included several foreign news correspondents from the British Broadcasting Company; BBC Monitoring (UK); Reuters (UK); The Economist (UK); Ferghana News agency, Voice of America; Eurasianet online (USA) and Agence France-Press (France).

Further, in recent years the internet has noticeably increased the ability to access information in Uzbekistan and promoted citizens’ interaction with independent sites, which provide a platform for civil society activists in the country and abroad, international partners and organisations. The internet has facilitated public discussion around pressing social issues including for example: demolitions of houses, extermination of stray animals, the situation for bloggers, the construction of a nuclear power plantas well as other more sensitive issues such as religion and protection of personal data.

Another interesting development was that statements made by international NGOs and Amnesty International’s Urgent Action of April 2019 regarding torture allegations against the former Prosecutor General Rashitjon Kadirov also led to a lively discussion on social media with an exchange of views on justice and international obligations. There is increased reporting in the media of pressing social problems and in February 2019 the General Prosecutor’s Office issued a press release on a suicide under investigation, reflecting a new level of transparency.
Trial of journalists Bobomurod Abdullayev, blogger Hayotkhon Nasreddinov and entrepreneurs Shavkat Olloyorov and Ravshan Salayev

From 7th March to 7th May 2018, an open trial was held in the Tashkent City Criminal Court of independent journalist Bobomurod Abdullayev, blogger and teacher Hayotkhon Nasreddinov, as well as entrepreneurs Ravshan Salayev and Shavkat Olloyorov, all accused of anti-constitutional crimes (under Article 159 Criminal Code), which are punishable by 20 years in prison. The charges were politically motivated and the trial attracted unprecedented attention from international media.

Bobomurod Abdullayev told the court that for many years he had written under the pseudonym “Usman Khaknazarov” about state corruption. He also described how he had been tortured during interrogation and investigation by senior National Security Service officials to get him to testify against incumbent President Mirziyoyevand political opponents such as the leader of the opposition party Erk, Muhammad Salih,and other critics abroad.

Judge Zafar Nurmatov ruled that Ravshan Salayev, Shavkat Olloyorov and Hayotkhon Nasreddinov be acquitted and released from custody immediately. In relation to Bobomurod Abdullaev, the judge ordered that the charge be reclassified from Article 159.4 (conspiracy to seize power or overthrow the constitutional order of Uzbekistan) to Article 159.3b (public calls to overthrow the constitutional order, ... committed by an organised group or in its interests), and sentenced him to three years of correctional labour. The judge then announced that Abdullayev would also be released as he had already served 221 days in pre-trial detention and that one day in pre-trial detention counts for three days in prison. The verdict was met with cheers and applause from spectators in the courtroom, including international observers and press representatives.

In 2018 Bobomurod Abdullayev and Hayotkhon Nasreddinov were awarded the Sakharov Order for Courage.

Defence lawyer Sergey Mayorov said that he was unhappy with the verdict: “I believe that Abdullayev did not commit a crime, and he should be compensated.” But, according to him, it is dangerous to appeal the sentence as he does not believe his client would get a fair appeal trial and this could result in a more severe sentence.

This is the first trial in 25 years where the judge acquitted and ordered the release of the defendants and repeatedly reminded the parties of the presumption of innocence.

However, since Bobomurod Abdullayev was released from detention he has been subjected to surveillance and harassment by Uzbekistani security services. He wishes to travel abroad for medical treatment and has submitted a request for a passport but the SNB have not yet given him an answer.

Continuing concerns about activists (formerly) imprisoned on politically-motivated charges

Since September 2016, 30 civil society representatives imprisoned on politically motivated grounds have been released from prison. The following civil society activists and journalists were released in the period under review: journalists Aziz Yusufov and Bobomurod Abdullaev,blogger Hayatkhon Nasreddinov, members of the Human Rights Society of Uzbekistan (HRSU) Mehriniso and Zulkhumor Khamdamov,witness of the Andijan tragedy Dilorom Abdukodirova and member of the Human Rights Centre Mazdil Mazdum Fakhriddin Tillayev. 

Although all those released were targeted for political reasons and convicted on fabricated charges, Andrey Kubatin (see below) is the only one to date who was acquitted on appeal. Many are in need of rehabilitation and medical and psychological treatment after surviving torture, ill-treatment, prolonged moral and psychological pressure and separation from their loved ones. Many are still under state surveillance.

After his release in 2018 Tillayev wrote:
"I was beaten repeatedly and put in a punishment cell [solitary confinement]. I was not only humiliated, but forced to do hard physical labour, which destroyed my health: a hernia, gastrointestinal illnesses, ear infection and my nerves suffered… injustice will deplete any person.”
On 26th September 2019, academic Andrei Kubatin was released from detention after the Tashkent Regional Criminal Court acquitted him on appeal and allowed him to walk free from the courtroom. Turkologist Andrei Kubatin worked as a senior lecturer at the Tashkent State Institute of Oriental Studies and was arrested in 2017 after he gave copies of rare books from his library to an employee of the Turkish agency TIKA, who wanted to publish a travel guide for Uzbekistan. On 1st December 2017 Kubatin was found guilty of treason (Article 157 ofthe Criminal Code) and sentenced to eleven years’ imprisonment.

On 26th September 2019 the Uzbekistani Ombudsman issued a statement on the court decision, welcoming Kubatin’s release and rehabilitation and explaining that the Ombudsman’s Office had sent appeals in the case to the Prosecutor General’s Office and attended appeal proceedings.

According to local human rights organisations, four civil society activists, who were convicted on politically-motivated grounds following unfair trials, remain behind bars. These are: author and critic Akrom Malikov, political scientist Rustam Abdumanopov, producer Mirsobir Khamidkoriyev and theologian Rukhiddin Fakhriddinov.

Fakhriddinov was forcibly returned to Uzbekistan, arrested immediately upon arrival and tried in a closed court without legal representation. The religious scholar is currently serving the remaining period of his sentence in the maximum-security colony 64/17 in Chirchik. There are serious allegations that Fakhriddinov was subjected to torture during his interrogation in 2005. There are also allegations of torture against his family members, including his daughter.

Rukhiddin Fakhriddinov and producer Mirsyar Khamidokriyev were imprisoned under former President Karimov, but critic Akrom Malikov (author of publications under the pseudonym "Abdulloh Nusrat") and political scientist Rustam Abdumanopov, were imprisoned since President Mirziyoyev came to power.

Updated statistics on political prisoners were published at the time of an EU delegation visit to Uzbekistan in April 2018.

Restriction on freedom of movement and deprivation of citizenship

In a positive move, from 1st January 2019, Uzbekistan abolished the procedure for issuing “exit permits” (stickers in the passport confirming a person is permitted to travel abroad). Citizens will be able to apply for biometric passports for foreign travel which will be valid for 10 years.

However, the authorities continued to use different methods to deny permission to travel abroad to human rights defenders and others in order to silence criticism. Among those affected in the period under review were Shukhrat Rustamov, Dilmurod Sayyid and Timur Karpov.

In June 2019, the authorities refused to issue a passport to the photographer and human rights activist Timur Karpov. He explained on YouTube that on 8th April 2018 he submitted his application to the passport office and expected to get a response within 21 days (as provided by law).In June he learned that he had been refused a passport, with the official written refusal explaining the grounds as “it is unadvisable to issue a foreign passport” and referring to a clause in the Presidential Decree stating that passports are not issued to persons who provided false information in their applications.

Only after the intervention of the Director of the Agency for Information and Mass Communications Komil Allamjonov was Karpov given permission to travel abroad.

Deprivation of citizenship

There are concerns that, on the pretext of a reform of the passport system, many Uzbekistanis living abroad who are critical of the Uzbekistani authorities may be deprived of their citizenship. Deprivation of citizenship is provided for by Presidential Decree “On the loss of citizenship of the Republic of Uzbekistan” [No. PF-4624 of 16 June, 2014 Указ президента. The Law on Citizenship provides in Article 21.2 that a person living permanently abroad who has not been on the consulate lists of citizens registered as living abroad for over three years without good reason, will lose their rights to citizenship.

The law is being used against persons who are outspoken in their criticism of the authorities and victims of politically motivated persecution by Uzbekistan. Many of them report that they have had their Uzbekistani citizenship revoked, have not been informed of the decision or given a chance to appeal. AHRCA and IPHR are aware of at least 40 recent cases.

Many are additionally put on international Interpol wanted lists on charges brought in retaliation for their criticism, sometimes after court decisions which are issued in absentia. There are also cases of confiscation of property based on court decisions issued in absentia, although the statistics on such cases are not publicly available and only a handful of cases have been made public.

Currently the following people are known to have been deprived of citizenship in the period under review:Radio Ozodlik correspondents (Uzbek service of RadioFree Europe/ Radio Liberty) brothers Shukhrat, Khurmat Babadjanovand their brother Kudrat, who is editor of the news website Eltuz, the human rights activist Tolib Yakubov and former citizens Mukhiddin Kurbanov, businessman Bobur Hassan, Zakir Aliyev, Kuzibay Kurbanov, Rafik Ganiev, member of the Human Rights Organisation “Ezgulik”, Mukhiddin Kurbanov, member of the opposition party “Birlik” and Bobur Hassan, brother of the leader of the opposition party “Birdamlik” living in the USA who attempted to return to Uzbekistan (in August 2018 respectively) but were deported.

Update on the case of Zhasur Ibragimov - medical student who was beaten to death in 2017

As previously reported in the CIVICUS Monitor, in 2017 the tragic death of medical student Zhasur Ibragimov led to a public outcry. He died on 1 June 2017 after being beaten up outside Borovsky Medical College in Tashkent by his classmates. An online petition “Punish those responsible for the death of Jasur Ibragimov” collected 20,431 signatures.

The online news agency Ferghana.ru reported that the organiser of a rally in support of Zhasur’s parents that took place on 4th June 2017 was subsequently punished and had to pay a fine for organising an unsanctioned protest without the advance permission of the authorities, as required by national law in violation of international standards. The Department of Internal Affairs in the Mirabad District of Tashkent opened a criminal case against Islambek Tulyaganov, one of the six persons alleged to have participated in the attack on Zhasur. He was sentenced to six years’ imprisonment after being found guilty of grievous bodily harm, but was released from prison on parole in December 2018.The other five alleged perpetrators participated in the case as witnesses and were not penalised.

On 25th September 2019, Mirzo-Ulugbek Inter-district Civil Court began hearing the claim for material and moral damages by Zhasur’s parents who claimed 650 million Uzbek soms (70 thousand USD).Zhasur’s parents announced they would donate the amount they are awarded in compensation to the charity Ezgu Amal, which provides assistance in the treatment of seriously ill children.

Peaceful Assembly

Uzbekistan has witnessed an increasing number of peaceful protests during the period covered by this report although not all have been able to take place without interference from the authorities.

Arrest of journalist Mahmoud Rajab, his family and friends during protest

On 22nd September 2019, police in the western city of Khorezm detained journalist Mahmud Rajab and about 20 of his relatives and friends, including two young children and a four-month-old baby. The group had been walking in the direction of the capital Tashkent, some 930 km from Khorezm, to meet with the head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Uzbekistan, Pulat Babadzhanov to protest at “lawlessness” in the Khorezm region. However, after walking 50 km they were detained by police and fined. Rajab and Nafasat Olloshkurova were held for ten days’ administrative detention, charged with violating the law on holding rallies and public gatherings in Uzbekistan.

In April 2019, a criminal case was opened against Mahmoud Rajab relating to importing several books by the secular opposition politician Muhammad Salih and his younger brother, former political prisoner Muhammad Bekjanov into Uzbekistan. There is no official ban on materials written by these authors, and their names do not figure on the list of forbidden materials compiled by the government. If Rajab is found guilty, he faces five to ten years in prison.

On 3rd October 2019, Mahmud Rajab was released after his term of administrative detention expired but Nafosat Ollashukurova was not released. She was instead placed in a psychiatric clinic in the Urgench district. A representative of Bagatsky district Ministry of Internal Affairs confirmed this fact on 4th October, and said that the prosecutor’s office had sanctioned the forced hospitalisation. However, Nafosat Ollashukurova’s father Boltaboy says that his daughter has never suffered from mental illness.

Protests at demolitions

On 28th April 2018, Dekhansky market in the Guzar district in the Kashkadarya region was demolished by the authorities and the traders were expelled. A group of traders staged a protest, demanding that local authorities stop the demolition as it would affect their livelihoods.Three women who were protesting for a long time fainted. The law enforcement officers reportedly took those traders who took photos of the protest to the police station, and confiscated their mobile phones.

On 16th September 2019, residents of 18 demolished houses in the Balykchy district of the city of Andijan staged a protest outside the district administration building, demanding compensation.They stated that they had been promised that if they agreed to the demolitions they would be given compensation.

Miners’ strikes at Shargunkumir mine

On 14th and 15th August 2019, almost 200 miners from Shargunkumir coal mine reportedly went on strike in the Saryasinsky district of the Surkhandarya region. They currently earn some 100 USD per month and demanded higher salaries. The strikers claimed that the company management was stealing from the Shargunkumir company – including seven tons of diesel fuel and building materials. Company representatives met the strikers and announced that some staff had been given the sack. 

Previously, workers would have been afraid to demonstrate publicly but since President Mirziyoyev has come to power they are emboldened to speak out. However, participants in public demonstrations continue to be noted by the authorities on the so-called “black lists” and can face discriminatory restrictions on freedom of movement and others in the future.



11.10.19

Uzbekistan: torture and slavery of convicts

 URGENT REPORT! 

Sergey IGNATYEV
                                                                                  
The practice of torture and cruel, degrading and inhuman treatment of prisoners in Prison Colony No. 64/4[1] in the city of Kyzyl-Tepa in Navoi region requires the urgent intervention by the international community. 

The Association for Human Rights in Central Asia (AHRCA) has recently received credible reports that 10 prisoners[2] are being held in the punitive isolation unit of Prison colony 64/4. They have reportedly been held there since 29 September 2019. According to our sources, they were punished for asking the Prison colony staff to provide them with new gloves and shoes for loading and unloading hot bricks from firing kilns (in the brick factory where they are required to work. The person in charge of discipline in the penal colony, V.Y. Rustamov, and the governor of the penal colony, K.S. Karimov, reportedly reacted harshly to their request and Rustamov began hitting them hard with a baton on the heels and various parts of their bodies, after which they were sent to the isolation cells. On 10 October 2019, five of them started a hunger strike to draw attention to their plight.

The brick factory in colony No. 64/4 operates around the clock in three eight-hour shifts. Three firing kilns produce 400,000 bricks per day. Every 10-15 minutes, cars loaded with red-hot bricks, which need to be loaded into the approaching trucks, come out of the stoves. Usually, only prisoners who have to pay damages to the injured party after a court order for moral damages are obliged to work, but our information indicates that even prisoners who are not ordered to pay damages are involved in this work in colony No.64/4. The work of prisoners at this facility should be considered forced labour, which is contrary to Uzbekistan’s international human rights obligations and comparable to the exploitation of prisoners in the Stalinist Gulag.

Moreover, unloading and loading of red-hot bricks is difficult and dangerous. Six people have to load hot bricks into a multi-ton truck in 15-20 minutes. Their salary is 80 thousand soums ($ 10) per month. Having said that, it should be noted that neither the administration of the penal colony nor the management of the brick factory ensure safety measures to alleviate the harsh conditions of labour and reduce the risks to the health of prisoners. The gloves and shoes given to prisoners are not fireproof, and quickly literally burn out.

Under the Labour Code, an employer is obliged to provide workers with adequate special clothing and ensure that working conditions are safe. These requirements apply to penitentiary institutions too. However, in this prison colony, convicts are forced to work wearing ordinary shoes, which quickly deteriorate (the rubber soles melt on the red-hot bricks), and gloves made of ordinary cloth which break after ten minutes’ work.

Rather than considering the prisoners’ complaint under a procedure set out by law, the person in charge of discipline in the penal colony, beat them and for the last two weeks has reportedly personally beat them on the heels with a truncheon each morning. Unable to withstand this treatment, one of the prisoners tried to hang himself, but saved by prison officers. After that, V.Y Rustamov called a roll call and began to beat these 10 prisoners with all his strength in front of everyone. At the same time, he reportedly announced: “The President allowed you two years of “skachukha” [3]. Now this time is over, everything will be as before. You can appeal to anyone you like. Nobody will help you”. According to prisoners, these illegal actions are taking place with the approval of the governor of the penal colony, K.S. Karimov.

The Association for Human Rights in Central Asia (AHRCA) believes that the irresponsible attitude of K.S. Karimov, governor of the colony No. 64/4 and the illegal actions of V.Y. Rustamov, the official responsible for maintaining discipline in the penal colony, merit the attention of the Prosecutor General’s Office of Uzbekistan, as prisoners of this institution are being subjected to torture, extrajudicial reprisals and they are being subjected to forced labour in dangerous conditions which threaten their health and safety.
COLONY NO. 64/4:
Prison colony No. 64/4 (formerly 64/47), is a “high security prison”, and contains prisoners convicted for especially serious crimes. The following is a description of the rules prevailing in this penal colony, according to information received from confidential credible sources:
  • Suicide
The inhuman conditions in the colony have reportedly driven prisoners to suicide. There are many cases when prisoners in colony No. 64/47 could no longer stand the humiliation, bullying, slave labour, prolonged fatigue, torture, threats, serious illnesses and as a result committed suicide. The same applies to those who serve long sentences or those whose sentences were extended after they were convicted under Article 221 of the Criminal Code (“Disobedience of the lawful requests of the administration of the penal institution”). There are cases when such prisoners jumped into the hot furnace at the brick factory.
  • Quarantine
All prisoners who arrive newly in the penal colony undergo a quarantine procedure. During this 15-day period, newcomers are held in separate barracks, where they learn the rules of the prison colony, the officers’ names, the national anthem. They are reportedly forced to do squats, squat with the “goose” step, and march endlessly. Due to poor nutrition and great physical exertion, prisoners often lose up to 15 kg of weight per day. The conditions for prisoners convicted of crimes related to religious or political crimes reportedly suffer the worst treatment. [4]

Those who oversee the day to day running of the penal colony are often referred to as “lokhmachei” – prisoners who torture other prisoners, on instructions of the administration and operative officers of the Special Services.

Recollections of a former political prisoner of the prison colony No. 64/47:

A migrant worker named Umar, who had recently returned from Russia, was convicted of crimes of religious extremism after a neighbour reported him for having copies of the sermons of a religious leader, Khairullo Khamidov. Law enforcement officials found these during a search of his accommodation. The police investigator considered Khamidov’s sermons illegal. Umar was a pious man, who came from a poor family. He had travelled to Russia to earn money for his wedding.

In quarantine, Umar, who had problems with his kidneys, was humiliated by a fellow cellmate, a “lokhmach” who refused to let Umar to go to the toilet for over a day. Umar ended up soiling himself. The lokhmach noticed this and threatened to kill Umar unless he ate his own excrement. When another cellmate tried to intervene and defend Umar, a representative of the prison staff sent the other cellmate to solitary confinement for 10 days. The “lokhmach” continued bullying Umar.
  •  The practice of extending the term of imprisonment
In the past practice of extending the sentence of convicts altering the sentence used to be carried out under Article 221 (“Disobedience of the lawful requests of the administration of the penal institution”). Currently, reports indicate that this practice has been replaced in some prison colonies by prison doctors issuing false diagnoses of serious illnesses including AIDS, hepatitis B, C, tuberculosis.

The practice of depriving a person of his liberty for medical reasons is illegal and inhumane. Employees of medical institutions are reportedly participating in this illegal practice alongside officers of the Main Directorate of Execution of Punishment (GUIN). The prisoners themselves do not always know that the diagnosis is false. This practice is reportedly aimed at those whom they do not want to release at the end of their sentences.
  • Medical care
Recollections of a former political prisoner of the prison colony No. 64/47:
In December 2018, a young man was admitted to the medical unit of colony No. 64/47, he was ill and debilitated. He felt nauseous and  a couple of days later he felt very ill. A few days later he fell out of bed and lost consciousness. A patient in the bed next to him helped him up, but the young man then started vomiting. A duty officer came by and informed the doctor about the prisoner’s health but the doctor failed to act. Half an hour later, the patient fell out of bed again and lost consciousness. He was lying with his eyes half open, helpless. Only then did the doctor come and take his blood pressure. An ambulance was called. Four prisoners carried him on a stretcher to the gates of the penal colony, where he was taken by an ambulance. They later learned that he was diagnosed with leukaemia.
  • Sanitary and living conditions
There number of toilets is insufficient. All living quarters of the colony are cleaned by prisoners themselves, including toilets.

Recollections of a former political prisoner of the prison colony 64/47:

When Mashrab Dadajonov was cleaning the sewer he had no special equipment but only tools that he made himself, he lost consciousness due to the accumulated gas and fell into the cess pit. This happened in a place where there were a lot of people. Another prisoner, Ulugbek Kurolov, rushed to help him, but could not grab him and fell into the pit too. A few more people tried to help them and lost consciousness. They did not have gas masks, so had to wet the sheets, cover their noses, mouths and pull out the bodies of the two guys. Ulugbek t had had a short meeting with his relatives that day and he was supposed to have a longer meeting the next morning.


This report of the Association for Human Rights in Central Asia has been sent to:
The UN Special Rapporteur on Torture
The Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial, Summary or Arbitrary Executions
The UN Committee against TortureThe International Labour Organization (ILO









[1] UYA 64/47 was recently renamed as penal colony 64/4
[2] Oydin Akhmedov, Jurabek Pulatov, Izzatilla Abdurakhmonov, Abdurasul Sotiboldiyev, Bahrom Tojiboev, Rustam Munavvarov, Bakhtiyor Nasipov, Akzhol Fayzullaev, Islom Khoshimov, Bobur Olimov.
[3] Skachukha – a prison slang word for leniency.
[4] The abbreviation used in the Uzbek language is DEOM, which translates as “convicted for belonging to a religious-extremist movement.



9.10.19

Uzbekistan: Cease intimidation of relatives of former diplomat Kadyr Yusupov

Temur YUSUPOV
VIDEO appeal by Temur Yusupov

Uzbekistan must cease all pressure, including intimidation and threats, against the family members of Kadyr Yusupov – a  former Uzbek diplomat currently being tried on dubious charges of treason , the Association for Human Rights in Central Asia (AHRCA), Fair Trials International, Freedom Now, International Partnership for Human Rights (IPHR) and the Norwegian Helsinki Committee (NHC), said in a press release today. The groups also called on the authorities in Uzbekistan to guarantee that all international fair trial standards are met in relation to the ongoing trial of Yusupov, and to ensure the safety of his family members, including his son Temur Yusupov, who reports ongoing harassment from the security services. 

Closed court proceedings against Kadyr Yusupov began on 24 June 2019 at the Military Court in the Yunusabad district of Uzbekistan’s capital Tashkent. The 67-year-old is being held in a detention facility of the State Security Service (SGB) and is accused of committing treason (Article 157 of the Criminal Code). The charges date back to 2015, although he last worked for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 2009 and has been in retirement for the last few years. 

On 3 December 2018, Kadyr Yusupov was hospitalised after sustaining severe brain trauma and other serious injuries resulting from a suicide attempt, when he was found on rail tracks at the Pushkin underground station in Tashkent. Shortly after the suicide attempt, while Yusupov was in an extremely confused state, he reportedly cried out that he was a spy. Yusupov is suffering from a psychiatric disorder for which he takes regular medication. There are strong grounds to believe he is not fit to stand trial. 

Yusupov’s pre-trial detention has been marred by judicial violations: he was not allowed a lawyer of his own choosing from 10 December 2018 until 24 April 2019, access to essential medication was restricted, and there are credible allegations of torture and threats of sexual violence against him and female members of his family, as wells as threats of arrest of his two sons. 

The organisations signing this statement have learned that Kadyr Yusupov’s youngest son - Temur Yusupov has been subjected to intimidation and surveillance, as well as restrictions on his freedom of movement believed to be in retaliation for his proactive role in defending his father. 

On 13 December 2018, Temur Yusupov tried to travel to a neighbouring country but was refused permission to leave Uzbekistan by SGB officials who did not explain the reason for this decision. They asked him to sign a written undertaking not to travel abroad, after warning him that “things might get worse”. SGB surveillance of Temur reportedly continued throughout December 2018.

The surveillance resumed again on 26 September 2019 after Human Rights Watch published a video report about Kadyr Yusupov which was widely circulated on social media.  

The pressure on Temur Yusupov has particularly intensified since 4 October, the fifth day of the court hearing in the case against Kadyr Yusupov. Temur received a warning from plain clothed SGB officials, who visited his relatives on 4 October after 9:00 p.m. and warned them: “Get Temur to calm down or we’ll put him in prison. Let us finish the trial; make sure no one is invited to the next hearing”. 

The alleged SGB threats were in response to the fact that Temur had earlier informed a journalist from EurasiaNet and representatives of the U.S. Embassy in Tashkent about the hearing on 4 October, who then attempted to observe the trial, although they were denied access to the courtroom. The hearing was scheduled to begin at 3:30 p.m., but it was postponed due to the absence of the State Prosecutor, reportedly due to illness.  Kadyr Yusupov, accompanied by his lawyer, had already been transferred from prison to the courtroom and sat in the cage in the defendant’s box - which gives grounds to conclude that the hearing was cancelled at the last minute. A court official had previously told Kadyr Yusupov’s relatives that they would be able to see him on the day of the trial – but they were finally denied a short meeting in what they interpret to be a sign of retaliation for Temur having invited western observers to the hearing.

“The lashing out against Temur Yusupov, apparently in retaliation for bringing western observers to monitor the court hearing against his father, is unacceptable and sows doubts about how deep reforms run in Uzbekistan”, said Nadejda Atayeva, President of the Association for Human Rights in Central Asia.

On 7 October, Temur Yusupov lodged an official complaint with the Prosecutor General’s Office outlining the need for urgent measures to be taken in relation to officers of the SGB who have been threatening to fabricate a criminal case against him.  He called on the Prosecutor General’s Office to bring the officials to justice for obstruction of justice, as well as cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. The Prosecutor General’s Office is yet to respond to the complaint.

Kadyr Yusupov’s lawyer, Allan Pashkovskiy stated "Justice has been undermined in my client’s case – by the reports of torture, and by the intimidation and harassment of Temur Yusupov and his family by officials of the State Security Services.”

Over the course of his 27-year diplomatic career, Kadyr Yusupov held various posts, including that of the Permanent Representative of Uzbekistan to the OSCE Mission in Vienna. In retirement, he wrote analytical articles on the country's foreign and domestic policy. 

At yesterday’s hearing the judge granted a motion by the defence requesting that Kadyr Yusupov undergo a medical and psychiatric evaluation. The assessment will be carried out in a psychiatric ward where Kadyr Yusupov is likely to be held for a period of one or two months. While the medical evaluation is being conducted judicial permission will be required for visits from his lawyer. This is a worrying development that will prolong Yusupov’s detention and further restrict his access to legal advice. We are also concerned that Kadyr Yusupov’s family has not been able to visit him for the last 10 months since he has been in detention. 

“Three years after the reform process began in Uzbekistan, the trial of Kadyr Yusupov clearly shows that the executive branch of power continues to exert pressure on the judiciary. The Uzbekistani authorities must take steps to address this and ensure that the threats against Yusupov, his family and his lawyer cease.” said Brigitte Dufour, Director of International Partnership for Human Rights.





7.10.19

Belarus: Tajik Activist Faces Unlawful Extradition

Forced Return Would Violate Ban on Torture, Other Ill-Treatment


(Berlin, October 7, 2019) – An independent journalist and political opposition activist risks torture or other ill-treatment if he is forcibly returned from Belarus to Tajikistan, a group of eleven human rights groups said today. Belarusian authorities should not extradite or deport the activist, Farhod Odinaev, or otherwise facilitate his forced return to Tajikistan.


“Tajikistan’s government is known for ‘transnational repression,’ routinely using politically motivated charges to reach beyond its borders to threaten and detain peaceful dissidents,” said Steve Swerdlow, senior Central Asia researcher at Human Rights Watch. “Belarus has a binding obligation not to send Odinaev anywhere he could face torture or other ill-treatment, including to Tajikistan, and it should abide by this international commitment.”


The eleven groups are Amnesty International, the Association for Central Asian Migrants, the Association for Human Rights in Central Asia, Civil Rights Defenders, Freedom House, Freedom Now, Human Constanta, Human Rights Center Viasna, Human Rights Watch, Norwegian Helsinki Committee, and Reporters Without Borders.

Belarusian migration authorities detained Odinaev, a member of the opposition Islamic Renaissance Party of Tajikistan (IRPT), under a Tajik extradition request on September 25, 2019, after he attempted to cross the Belarus-Lithuania border. He had planned to travel from there to attend a human rights conference in Warsaw, Poland. Tajik authorities banned the party and declared it a terrorist organization in 2015, jailing its senior leadership and dozens of other members. Since then, Tajik authorities have engaged in a wide-ranging crackdown on the IRPT and other political activists in and outside the country, using extradition requests and INTERPOL “red notices” to detain them abroad.

Odinaev, 43, has been actively involved in the IRPT. In 2013, while living in Russia, he founded the Moscow-based TV Safo, an independent satellite television channel that broadcast programs about the plight of Tajik migrants in Russia as well as independent coverage of events in Tajikistan. Odinaev also worked for the nongovernmental organization Pomoshch’ Migrantam (“Aid to Migrants”).

Odinaev was traveling through Belarus en route to the annual Human Dimension Implementation Meeting of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), Europe’s largest human rights conference. He had planned to speak there on migration issues.

Odinaev had participated in the 2018 conference. Human Constanta, a Belarusian human rights organization that is providing legal assistance to Odinaev in Belarus, said that Russian authorities had conducted an inspection of Pomoshch’ Migrantam in 2013, at the behest of the Tajik authorities. Other sources close to Odinaev said that he felt the Tajik government was more actively targeting him in the year since the 2018 conference and learned that he may have been then added to a list of persons the Tajik government was seeking to detain abroad for involvement in anti-state crimes.

Since September 25, Odinaev has been held in the pretrial detention center in Grodno, Belarus, pending possible extradition to Tajikistan. According to Human Constanta, the prosecutor general’s office received documentation on the extradition request and that Tajik authorities have charged Odinaev with, among other offenses, “public calls for carrying out extremist activity” (art. 307(1)(2) of Tajikistan’s criminal code) and “organizing an extremist community” (art. 307(2)(1)). The Tajik authorities routinely invoke these and related charges, including terrorism in politically motivated cases.

In recent years, the Tajik government’s political crackdown has reached beyond the IRPT, as the authorities have intensified repression of free expression, peaceful assembly, and association by political opposition groups; curtailed the independence of the legal profession; and infringed on the independent exercise of religious faith. Since 2014, more than 150 political activists, lawyers, and government critics have been unjustly imprisoned. Relatives of dissidents who peacefully criticize the government from outside the country are regularly subjected to attacks by violent mobs and official acts of retaliation, such as arbitrary detention, threats of rape by security force members, and confiscation of passports and property.

“Belarusian authorities should immediately and unconditionally release Odinaev and allow him passage to a safe third country,” said Marius Fossum, regional representative of the Norwegian Helsinki Committee in Central Asia. “The United States, the European Union, and all of Belarus’ international partners should press Minsk not to extradite Odinaev to a risk of torture and should publicly voice serious concern over Tajikistan’s crackdown on freedom of expression.”

Tajikistan severely restricts religious freedom, regulating religious worship, dress, and education, and imprisons numerous people on vague charges of religious extremism. Tajik authorities also suppress unregistered Muslim education throughout the country, control the content of sermons, and have closed many unregistered mosques. Under the pretext of combating extremist threats, Tajikistan bans several peaceful minority Muslim groups.

Torture is illegal in Tajikistan but remains widespread. Police and investigators often torture detainees to coerce confessions, including from people associated with political opposition groups, such as the IRPT and the political opposition “Group 24.” During a March 2019 prison visit, imprisoned IRPT deputy chairman, Mahmadali Hayit, showed his wife injuries on his forehead and stomach that he said were caused by beatings from prison officials for refusing to record videos denouncing Tajik opposition figures abroad.

The European Court of Human Rights has repeatedly held there is a serious risk that a person forcibly returned to face anti-state charges in Tajikistan would be tortured or subjected to inhuman and degrading treatment. The court also rejected as unreliable the Tajik government’s assurances that it would not subject anyone sent back to prohibited treatment.

As a party to the Convention against Torture and as a matter of customary international law, Belarus is obliged to ensure that it does not send anyone to a place where they face a real risk of torture or other ill-treatment.

“Odinaev faces a high risk of torture if returned to Tajikistan,” said Nadejda Atayeva, president of the Association for Human Rights in Central Asia. “No technical assurances Dushanbe could provide to the contrary will suffice given its terrible record on torture. Belarus’ cooperation with Tajikistan as co-member state of the Commonwealth of Independent States and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization should have no impact on its obligations under the Convention against Torture.”