Uzbekistan: 21 Years After Andijan, Victims still await Truth and Justice

Twenty-one years after the tragic events in Andijan, Uzbekistani authorities continue to restrict independent investigation into the violent suppression of protests that claimed hundreds of lives. Survivors, witnesses, and relatives of victims still live in fear and under pressure, while participants in the May 2005 protests continue to face persecution, imprisonment, and stigmatisation. Ahead of the anniversary of the tragedy  taking place on 13 May 2005, the Association for Human Rights in Central Asia (AHRCA), the Norwegian Helsinki Committee (NHC) and International Partnership for Human Rights (IPHR) reiterate calls  for an independent investigation into the tragic events and for  justice and redress for the victims.

On 13 May 2005, thousands of mostly peaceful protestors gathered on Babur Square in Andijan amid growing public anger over poverty, repression, and the trial of 23 local businessmen accused of involvement in the informal Islamic movement “Akramiya”, which was later banned in Uzbekistan. At some stage, security forces opened fire on demonstrators after some had occupied government buildings earlier that day. According to official figures, 187 people were killed, although witnesses and independent sources believe the real death toll was significantly higher, potentially reaching several hundred victims. To date, the Uzbekistani authorities have refused to allow an independent international investigation to establish what happened.

“The Andijan tragedy remains an unhealed wound for Uzbekistan,” Nadejda Atayeva, President of AHRCA, said: “Instead of ensuring truth, accountability, and justice for victims, the authorities continue to preserve a repressive narrative that shifts blame onto survivors, witnesses, and those associated with the events. Twenty-one years later, the lack of an independent investigation continues to fuel impunity and undermine trust in the justice system.” 

After the May 2005 events, many were convicted and sentenced to long prison sentences after politically motivated trials. However, new sentences have also been imposed in recent years.  

For example, as recently as in January 2023,  Mukhamadvali Kayumov was sentenced to over 15 years in prison on charges relating to his alleged involvement in the Andijan events. After living in Sweden for 6 years, where he was granted asylum, he travelled back to Uzbekistan in March 2022 based on diplomatic assurances from the Uzbekistani embassy in Sweden that it would be safe for him to return. Four months later, he was arrested. Initially accused of hooliganism (a less serious crime), he was subsequently charged with terrorism, encroachment on the constitutional order, participation in a criminal organisation, and involvement in a banned religious organisation Akromiya. On 5  January 2023, he was sentenced to 15 years and 6 months in prison.

The newly available case materials raise serious concerns regarding violations of the right to a fair trial, the prohibition of arbitrary detention, and the principle of legality guaranteed under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. The prosecution appears to have relied primarily on Kayumov’s previous social connections, religious environment, and alleged association with persons labelled as “Akromists”, whilst failing to provide any evidence of specific criminal acts or wrongdoing.

Particularly troubling is the fact that many of the activities cited in the indictment allegedly took place years before “Akramiya” was officially banned in Uzbekistan in 2016. Prosecuting individuals retroactively for involvement in an organisation that had not yet been formally prohibited directly contradicts the principle of nullum crimen sine lege (“no crime without law”), a cornerstone of international criminal justice, which is also enshrined in Uzbekistani law – specifically Article 30 of the Constitution (prohibiting the use of unpublished laws) and Article 13 of the Criminal Code (barring retroactive application of laws that criminalise acts or worsen a person’s legal position).

The judgment against Kayumov includes testimony from Uzbekistani citizens who had previously received international protection abroad but later returned to Uzbekistan, often because they found it hard to endure separation from family members remaining in the country. The testimonies suggest a pattern in which returnees become drawn into repressive practices and used by the state to testify against one another in criminal proceedings linked to the 2005 Andijan events. Kayumov is currently suffering from a serious liver condition and urgently requires hospital treatment, which the prison authorities have reportedly refused to provide. He has also reportedly been subjected to other forms of ill-treatment in detention, including being forced to stand for hours in the sun without a hat or exposed to rain.

Brigitte Dufour, Director of IPHR, stressed “we remain seriously concerned that the Uzbekistani authorities have not ensured accountability for past and recent grave human rights violations, including the 2005 Andijan events and the more recent violent crackdown on the July 2022 protests in Karakalpakstan. Lasting stability and public trust cannot be built on impunity and the suppression of critical voices. Meaningful progress requires transparent investigations, justice for victims, and an end to the persecution of people connected to these events.”

 

AHRCA, NHC, and IPHR call on the Uzbekistani authorities to facilitate an independent, transparent, and international investigation into the killings of civilians in Andijan and to ensure that those responsible for grave human rights violations are held accountable. 

“It is especially disturbing that individuals who spent years in exile and returned to Uzbekistan in the hope of rebuilding their lives have reportedly become targets of renewed prosecution,” said Berit Lindeman, Secretary General of the Norwegian Helsinki Committee. “Such practices reinforce fear among former refugees and exiles and risk deepening the long-term trauma associated with the Andijan events.” 

The organisations urge the authorities to review politically motivated convictions and to immediately release individuals imprisoned solely for their peaceful involvement in the May 2005 protests in Andijan or in the “Akramiya” movement prior to its official banning. In line with Uzbekistan’s international human rights obligations, peaceful civic engagement, even when addressing  politically sensitive issues, should never be treated as a criminal offence.

In addition, the authorities should guarantee fair trial rights and  protection from torture and ill-treatment for all those imprisoned on charges connected to the Andijan events. They should  cease  the intimidation and harassment of survivors, witnesses, relatives, journalists, and human rights defenders associated with the Andijan events.

The organisations further call on the international community, including the European Union, to continue pressing for truth, justice, and accountability for the Andijan massacre, as well as for the more recent killings linked to the violent suppression of the July 2022 “Nukus protests” in Karakalpakstan.

Uzbekistan: End the Punitive Psychiatric Detention of Shohida Salomova

Today marks the 64th birthday of lawyer, blogger, and human rights activist Shohida Salomova. Instead of celebrating her life and work, she remains deprived of her liberty under coercive psychiatric measures.

On the birthday of lawyer, blogger, and human rights activist Shohida Salomova, International Partnership for Human Rights (IPHR), Association for Human Rights in Central Asia (AHRCA) and the Norwegian Helsinki Committee call for her immediate and unconditional release from forced psychiatric detention. Her case raises serious concerns about the abuse of psychiatric measures to silence dissent, violations of fair trial guarantees, and risks to her health. We urge the authorities of Uzbekistan to end her arbitrary detention, ensure access to independent medical care, and uphold their international human rights obligations.

On 18 December 2022, Salomova posted a comment on social media about a high-ranking official. Later that  same day, officials searched her home and detained her. A criminal case was opened against her for defamation and insult (Articles 139, 140 and 244.1 of the Criminal Code).  According to information available to the undersigning organizations, officials attempted to coerce Salomova to incriminate herself during initial interrogations, which she refused to do.

On 22 December 2022, Salmova was forcibly committed to a psychiatric facility. Since January 2024, she has been held in the Republican Psychiatric Hospital in Tashkent under constant supervision. Her forced detention has effectively become indefinite as it has been repeatedly extended without independent medical evaluation or effective judicial oversight. As a result, she has effectively been denied justice for more than three years.

Salomova is a well-known outspoken blogger and government critic in Uzbekistan. She has often criticized Uzbek officials through her now-deleted Telegram channel “Panatonomy of the Land of Uz” and her YouTube Channel Shakhina Salomova. Through her blogging and online activities, she has drawn attention to the widespread practice of forced evictions and demolitions in the country as well as other issues.

According to information available to the undersigned organisations, 64-year-old Salomova, who suffers from chronic illnesses including diabetes and asthma, is not receiving adequate medical care which creates serious risks to her health. 

All available information points to a clear and consistent pattern of serious human rights violations against Salomova, including arbitrary deprivation of liberty, violation of fair trial standards, undue restrictions on her right to freedom of expression, and the abuse of psychiatric institutions by state and medical institutions, measures which are consistent with cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment.

Salomova’s case bears all the hallmarks of politically motivated persecution aimed at silencing critical expression and appears to represent a disturbing continuation of Soviet-era practices. The practice of forced psychiatric measures as a tool of repression and form of retaliation against critics originated in the Soviet Union – confining dissidents to forced psychiatric treatment enables authorities to effectively discredit and punish opponents while avoiding the scrutiny attracted by political trials. Alarmingly, Salomova’s case is just the latest in a series of other documented cases which.

We, the undersigning organizations, call on the authorities of Uzbekistan to immediately and unconditionally release Shokhida Salomova; cease the use of coercive psychiatric measures against her; and ensure her access to independent and adequate medical care. We urge authorities to conduct an independent, effective, and transparent investigation into all violations committed, and ensure Salomova is compensated for all the injustices she has endured.

We call on the international partners of Uzbekistan and UN human rights mechanisms to  pay attention to this case and take appropriate measures. The case of Shohida Salomova is a problematic example of the use of punitive psychiatry to silence critical voices and merits a strong international response.

 

Uzbekistan: Mounting concerns about health and safety of imprisoned Karakalpak activist Dauletmurat Tazhimuratov

The Association for Human Rights in Central Asia (AHRCA), International Partnership for Human Rights (IPHR), and the Norwegian Helsinki Committee (NHC) are alarmed by reports indicating that the health of imprisoned Karakalpak lawyer, journalist and human rights defender Dauletmurat Tazhimuratov has sharply declined due to his treatment in prison and that prison authorities are now seeking to further isolate him, prompting renewed fears for his health. The organisations call on the Uzbekistani authorities to take prompt steps to safeguard his well-being and safety. 

In a video statement published on 8 February 2026, Dauletmurat Tazhimuratov’s sister, Maria Tazhimuratova, highlighted concerns that the defender has endured harsh detention conditions and repeatedly been subjected to physical and psychological pressure during his three years in Prison Colony No. 11 in Navoi Region. According to her, this has resulted in a serious deterioration in his health, including difficulties eating due to persistent illness after meals, significant weight loss (approximately 25 kg since his arrest) and general weakness. In what appears to constitute punitive labour, he has continuously been required to work in hazardous conditions in a lime-processing facility without adequate protective equipment, further undermining his health. In addition, there are concerns that he has not been granted adequate medical assistance. Against this background, Maria Tazhimuratova made a heartfelt plea to the authorities to ensure humane treatment, saying: “We dream of only one thing – that he survives.”

Concerns about Tazhimuratov’s well-being are compounded by reports that prison authorities have initiated his transfer to a stricter, high-security detention regime on the grounds of alleged “systematic” violations of prison rules. Such a move is likely to result in a further deterioration of his detention conditions, including more limited contact with family, further restrictions on access to medical and other services, and increased isolation at a time when his health already appears to be at serious risk. 

Tazhimuratov was arrested following the July 2022 events in Karakalpakstan, when authorities harshly suppressed mass protests against proposed constitutional amendments that would have deprived Karakalpakstan of its constitutionally protected status. Tazhimuratov had opposed these amendments and was depicted as a protest leader. In January 2023, he was sentenced to 16 years’ imprisonment on politically motivated charges following an unfair trial. His sentence was later upheld unchanged by the Supreme Court. 

Tazhimuratov’s case has attracted sustained international concern. In an opinion adopted in November 2024, the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention concluded that his detention violates international standards and called for his immediate release. In January 2026, UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders Mary Lawlor reiterated that call, stating that she was deeply concerned that, more than a year after the Working Group’s opinion was adopted, not only has he not been released, but new allegations of torture and ill-treatment have also emerged. She expressed concern as well that his complaints have gone unanswered. She urged the government to guarantee his safety, investigate all alleged violations without delay, and allow independent international monitors to visit him in prison. 

It is also highly worrying that Dauletmurat Tazhimuratov’s family members have reportedly been subjected to pressure, including ongoing surveillance. At the same time, his treatment in prison has caused the family great distress, particularly his mother, who has personally witnessed his declining health and signs of ill-treatment during visits.

Urgent action needed

In light of the reported deterioration of Tazhimuratov’s health and the prospect of further restrictive detention conditions, AHRCA, IPHR and NHC call on the Uzbekistani authorities to take immediate steps to protect his health and safety, in line with their obligations under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the Convention against Torture and other international human rights agreements. This should include releasing him, as called for by UN human rights mechanisms.

Pending Tazhimuratov’s release, the authorities should refrain from transferring him to harsher detention conditions that would increase his isolation and expose him to aggravated health risks and take measures to:

     — Ensure that he receives an immediate, independent medical examination and all necessary treatment, including transfer to appropriate medical facilities if required;

     — Ensure safe working conditions in line with occupational safety standards, including the provision of adequate protective equipment;

     — Guarantee unhindered access to legal counsel and regular contact with family members;

     — Promptly, thoroughly and impartially investigate all allegations of torture and ill-treatment and ensure accountability for any abuses found; 

     — Grant independent international monitors urgent access to him in detention; and

     — Ensure that his family members are not subjected to surveillance or any form of intimidation and harassment.

Statement on the Removal of the YouTube Channel of the Association for Human Rights in Central Asia

The Association for Human Rights in Central Asia (AHRCA) reports that on 23 January 2026, the YouTube platform removed the official channel of our organization — AHRCA.ORG — after receiving three copyright infringement notices.

The disputed videos consisted of journalistic and human rights materials, including interviews, quotations of public statements, and analytical commentary on matters of significant public interest. The content was non‑commercial and used exclusively to inform the public about the human rights situation in the countries of Central Asia, including for the purpose of documenting serious violations.

The copyright notices were submitted by private individuals and small accounts that are neither recognized rights holders nor professional media entities. Two individuals listed as complainants have already confirmed that they did not submit any complaints against our organization and have no claims against us.

Under the current DMCA (Digital Millennium Copyright Act) procedure, YouTube applies an automated mechanism for removing content and channels after receiving three complaints, without prior assessment of context, the public‑interest nature of the materials, or the potential abuse of this mechanism. Although this practice may formally comply with the procedure, it creates a high risk of misuse of copyright tools against content of a human rights, journalistic, and public‑interest character.

As a result of the removal of the AHRCA.ORG channel, our organization has temporarily lost one of its key tools for disseminating information of public importance. The channel hosted unique archival materials, including interviews with human rights defenders and experts (including those who have since passed away), as well as documented testimonies concerning torture and other grave human rights violations in Central Asian countries. Restricting access to such materials undermines the public’s right to information and the preservation of human rights memory.

The Association for Human Rights in Central Asia is acting strictly within the legal framework: official DMCA counter‑notifications have been filed, and appeals have been submitted to relevant international organizations working on the protection of freedom of expression and independent journalism.

Our analysis indicates that the removal of the AHRCA.ORG channel occurred during a period of heightened public attention surrounding the program “Is Mirziyoyev’s Daughter Seeking Power? How Uzbekistan Became the Plaything of an Authoritarian ‘Princess’?”, produced by the Kazakhstan‑based digital media project AIRAN on YouTube and released on 30 December 2025. We record this chronology as a circumstance requiring additional attention and independent assessment, without drawing premature conclusions regarding a direct causal link.

To prevent further misuse of copyright enforcement mechanisms on the YouTube platform, the Association for Human Rights in Central Asia has requested international experts to conduct a comprehensive and independent review of the abuse of the DMCA procedure leading to the removal of YouTube accounts on false grounds.

We consider what has occurred to be a form of transnational digital pressure carried out through the abuse of private legal mechanisms and resulting in a disproportionate restriction of freedom of expression and access to information of public interest, contrary to international standards on freedom of expression.

The Association for Human Rights in Central Asia will continue to inform the public and international partners about further developments.

EU Should Use Enhanced Partnership with Uzbekistan to Press for Meaningful Human Rights Progress

Brussels, 27 October 2025 — Following the signature of the EU–Uzbekistan Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (EPCA), International Partnership for Human Rights (IPHR), the Association for Human Rights in Central Asia (AHRCA), the Norwegian Helsinki Committee (NHC) and the Helsinki Foundation for Human Rights (HFHR) urge the EU to ensure that human rights are placed at the heart of this deepened partnership, and that economic and geopolitical interests do not take precedence over human rights concerns.  

The EU should use the pending ratification of the agreement – required before it can fully enter into force – and its subsequent implementation to press for real and lasting human rights improvements in Uzbekistan.

Human Rights Commitments Must Not Remain Rhetorical

Signed during President Shavkat Mirziyoyev’s visit to Brussels on 24 October 2025, the EPCA aims to elevate EU–Uzbekistan relations to a new strategic level, expanding cooperation in trade, political and economic relations, energy, transport, security, environmental protection and other areas. It follows a notable increase in EU–Uzbekistan trade and investment in recent years, with Uzbekistan benefiting from preferential access to the EU market under the EU’s GSP+ scheme since 2021.

The EPCA includes commitments to respect democratic principles, the rule of law, and human rights, and to foster an enabling environment for civil society. The EU has underlined the importance of shared values and argued that the agreement will allow for expanded engagement on human rights. A joint EU-Uzbekistan statement issued following the signing of the EPCA highlighted reforms to strengthen the rule of law, human rights, civil society and media development as a ‘’shared priority’’.

Yet, without clear benchmarks for progress, the Uzbekistani government’s commitments risk remaining purely rhetorical.

Benchmarks and Follow-up Monitoring Needed

Currently the human rights situation in Uzbekistan remains deeply worrying, with limited genuine progress despite reform pledges by the authorities. Indeed, some early reform initiatives launched after President Mirziyoyev came to power in 2016 – two years before negotiations on the EPCA began – have been undermined by subsequent backsliding.

Civic space is highly restricted, with independent media and civil society groups operating under severe constraints, and journalists, bloggers and human rights defenders facing ongoing harassment, including politically motivated imprisonment, and even forced psychiatric confinement. Persecution also extends to exiled activists, while authorities have prevented former political prisoners from obtaining rehabilitation. The judiciary remains under political control, and torture and ill-treatment are prevalent. Authorities have failed to ensure accountability for the 2022 crackdown on mass protests in Karakalpakstan, and consensual homosexual relations remain criminalised, further illustrating the gap between reform promises and reality. (See more on current human rights concerns below).

In this context, it is imperative that the EU and its members link the ratification and full implementation of the EPCA to tangible measures by the Uzbekistani authorities to halt further deterioration and ensure genuine improvements in human rights protection in the country.

The European Parliament, whose consent is required for ratification, should adopt a similar approach to that taken in relation to the EU–Kyrgyzstan EPCA. In its September 2025 resolution on Kyrgyzstan, the Parliament called for concrete steps to address the worsening human rights situation in this country before ratification and implementation of the new agreement, as well as for a robust monitoring framework with human rights benchmarks and timelines to track progress. It also stressed that a negative assessment could lead to the agreement’s suspension. We urge the Parliament to insist on a similar scheme for Uzbekistan, with both the Parliament and independent civil society actors closely involved in monitoring and follow-up.

 
Priority Areas for EU Engagement and Human Rights Progress

The EU should insist on meaningful progress in the following areas, as a matter of priority:

• Ending the persecution of human rights defenders, journalists, and activists, and releasing those imprisoned for peacefully exercising their rights;

• Decriminalising defamation and insult and ensuring these charges are not used to stifle free speech;

• Halting the misuse of international cooperation mechanisms – in particular those of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) – to seek the forcible return of individuals on politically motivated grounds;

• Guaranteeing the rehabilitation and protection of former political prisoners, and ensuring their access to justice and compensation;

• Conducting thorough, impartial investigations into the 2022 suppression of mass protests in Karakalpakstan and ensuring accountability for all those responsible for the excessive use of force, torture and other serious violations;

• Allowing independent human rights organisations to register and operate freely, and removing excessive restrictions on the operations and funding of NGOs;

• Guaranteeing judicial independence and fair trial standards, and protecting lawyers from harassment due to their professional activities;

• Consistently enforcing legal safeguards against torture, establishing an independent mechanism to investigate complaints, and taking effective measures to ensure accountability for perpetrators;

• Decriminalising consensual homosexual relations and ensuring effective protection for LGBT people from harassment, violence, and abuse.

Tangible progress on human rights is not only a moral imperative but also an important foundation for sustainable trade, security, and development. The EU should use the EPCA as leverage for genuine reform — not as a reward for unfulfilled promises.

Background: Key Human Rights Concerns in Uzbekistan

Despite commitments to media freedoms, authorities continue to suppress independent media operations, with draft legislation risking to impose new restrictions. Journalists, bloggers, and human rights defenders face ongoing – and increasing – intimidation and harassment, including surveillance, smear campaigns, and politically motivated prosecutions.

A case of particular concern is that of lawyer and blogger Dauletmurat Tazhimuratov, who is serving a 16-year sentence for his peaceful role in the 2022 mass protests in Karakalpakstan and reportedly has been subjected to torture in prison. He was targeted as part of a wider crackdown on dissent in the region launched after the 2022 events.

Another alarming case is that of human rights defender and blogger Shahida Salomova, who has been

In addition to persecuting critics at home, authorities have increasingly exploited international cooperation mechanisms to pursue outspoken bloggers and activists based abroad on politically motivated charges. Aside from Interpol notices, requests made through CIS and SCO have become a growing threat to exiled activists, with a rising number of individuals forcibly returned from Turkey and CIS countries in recent years.

At the same time, authorities have failed to rehabilitate former political prisoners whose convictions – often based on forced confessions – remain in place, leaving them without access to justice or compensation and vulnerable to social exclusion, discrimination, and harassment. These include activists previously recognised as political prisoners by the European Parliament.

Independent NGOs continue to face systematic barriers to registration, with applications rejected on arbitrary grounds. For example, human rights defender Agzam Turgunov has been denied registration of his NGO, Human Rights House more than a dozen times. NGOs are also subject to excessive restrictions on their operations and funding. Foreign grants require government approval in a cumbersome process that often leads to refusals or significant delays in accessing funds.

Despite proclaimed judicial reforms, the judiciary remains under political influence. Politically sensitive cases are often classified as “secret,” hearings held behind closed doors, and acquittals are exceedingly rare. Defence lawyers face harassment for representing clients in politically motivated cases.

Torture and ill-treatment remain prevalent, with reported cases rarely effectively investigated or punished – a problem underscored by the lack of an independent investigation mechanism. Despite legal safeguards, detainees are often denied prompt access to lawyers, and judges frequently disregard evidence of abuse.

Impunity persists for serious human rights violations committed during the July 2022 events in Karakalpakstan, when security forces harshly suppressed mass protests against proposed constitutional amendments. Last year, a parliamentary commission deemed law enforcement actions as “lawful”, contradicting credible independent findings of excessive force, torture and other grave abuses. These findings highlight the need for further, impartial and thorough investigations and for effective measures to hold all perpetrators accountable for violations.

Consensual homosexual relations remain criminalised, leaving LGBTI people exposed to harassment, threats, and abuse without protection.

 

EU–Uzbekistan: Respect for Human Rights Must Be a Precondition for Partnership

The Association for Human Rights in Central Asia (AHRCA), Central Asia Due Diligence (CADD), the human rights group “Open Line”, and the public channel “World and Politics”, founded by independent journalist and former prisoner of conscience Yusuf Ruzimuradov, call for the necessity of placing human rights issues at the core of the agenda during the visit of President Shavkat Mirziyoyev to Brussels on 24 October 2025, when the signing of the Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (EPCA) between Uzbekistan and the European Union is expected to take place.

Conditions for Justice

Nine years have passed since Shavkat Mirziyoyev, upon assuming the presidency of Uzbekistan, announced the launch of large-scale legal reforms. However, Uzbekistan’s judiciary remains effectively under the President’s control and is dependent on the executive branch. Despite the adoption of new laws and amendments, the situation in practice has not changed: a profound gap persists between the letter of the law and its implementation. The results of any monitoring of the enforcement of legislation, if such monitoring is conducted at all, remain inaccessible to the public.

Our analysis shows that, on the eve of the signing of the Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (EPCA), the authorities of Uzbekistan continue to simulate reforms without ensuring genuine rule of law. The judiciary remains a tool of political pressure, while the proclaimed “legal reforms” fail to guarantee the protection of human rights.

Our monitoring has revealed the following trends:

— Widespread use of trials in absentia and closed court proceedings;

— Frequent classification of criminal cases as “secret”, especially when evidence of guilt is weak, questionable, or involves high-ranking officials;

— Lack of effective appeal mechanisms in administrative courts, particularly in cases involving critics of the government or civil society activists;

— Lawyers are often reduced to a formal role, while many face pressure or intimidation aimed at forcing them to withdraw from effectively defending their clients;

— Citizen complaints submitted via the Presidential online portal are merely registered and redirected to the very state bodies accused of rights violations, effectively denying access to justice;

— Prosecutors and courts address complaints from victims of politically motivated persecution in a purely formal manner, without proper investigations;

— Uzbek citizens living abroad, including refugees, continue to be deprived of effective avenues for fair review of their cases or redress for politically motivated persecution;

— Acquittals remain extremely rare;

— Even those officially rehabilitated are unable to reclaim confiscated property or obtain compensation;

— Re-examination of the cases of former political prisoners has not begun, and officials responsible for fabricated charges and the use of torture remain unpunished;

— Smear campaigns against and total surveillance of independent activists persist, as regularly reported by human rights defenders Tatiana Dovlatova, Klara Sakharova, Olga Abdullaeva, Elena Urlaeva, Solmaz Akhmedova, Agzam Turgunov and others;

— Punitive psychiatry continues to be practiced. Since 2023, lawyer, human rights defender and blogger Shakhida Salomova has been held in compulsory psychiatric detention, and blogger Valijon Kalonov has been under forced treatment since December 2021;

— Lawyer and blogger Dauletmurat Tazhimuratov has been subjected to unprecedented pressure and torture. He was sentenced to 16 years in prison for his peaceful participation in the 2022 mass protests in Karakalpakstan. His civic stance and commitment to defending the rights of the Karakalpak people continue to be treated as a criminal offenses in Uzbekistan;

— No conditions exist for the legal operation of human rights organizations monitoring civil, political, and social rights, as the Ministry of Justice systematically denies them registration. For example, human rights defender Agzam Turgunov has submitted registration documents for his NGO “Human Rights House” over ten times, yet the Ministry of Justice has repeatedly denied registration without justification;

— The political party “Truth and Progress” has twice been denied registration, citing an insufficient number of signatures—an assertion refuted by activists. The party’s leader Khidirnazar Allakulov and his supporters face ongoing pressure, including online bullying, surveillance, blocking of communication channels, and refusal of premises for meetings.

Politically Motivated Persecution Continues

Former political prisoners in Uzbekistan continue to face discrimination and social marginalization. Almost all of them were subjected to torture, ill-treatment, and humiliation during the rule of Islam Karimov. Those who have spoken publicly about their experiences report ongoing pressure from the security services, often extending to their family members.

Many of them still lack access to their criminal case files — either because the 25-year limitation period has expired or due to their inability to afford legal representation. They continue to suffer from dire physical and psychological consequences of torture and ill treatment.

Our findings are consistent with monitoring results on the cases of activists who were qualified as political prisoners in the European Parliament resolutions of 2009 and 2014. None of them have had their convictions, obtained under torture or through forced confessions, formally overturned. Among them are: former members of parliament Samandar Kukanov (b. 1945), Rustam Usmanov (b. 1948), and Murad Juraev (1952–2017); members of the Human Rights Society of Uzbekistan Mehriniso Hamdamova (b. 1960), Zulhumor Hamdamova (b. 1969), Gaybullo Jalilov (b. 1964), Zafardjon Rahimov (b. 1968), Yuldash Rasulov (b. 1969); member of the Ezgulik Human Rights Society Isroiljon Kholdorov (b. 1951); members of the Mazlum Human Rights Center Agzam Turgunov (b. 1951), Fahriddin Tillaev (b. 1971), Nuraddin Jumaniyazov (1948–2016); member of the Committee for the Protection of Individual Rights Ganikhon Mamatkhanov (b. 1951); independent journalist Solidzhon Abdurakhmanov (1950–2025); editor of the Erk newspaper Muhammad Bekjanov (b. 1954) and correspondent Yusuf Ruzimuradov (b. 1964); Irmoq magazine staff members Botirbek Eshkuziev (b. 1978), Bahrom Ibragimov (b. 1977), Davron Kabilov (b. 1973), Davron Todzhiev (b. 1981), and Ravshanbek Vafoev (b. 1971); witness of the Andijan events of 2005 Dilorom Abduqodirova (b. 1966); and Erkin Musaev (b. 1967), former UN employee and former officer of the Ministry of Defense.

Abuses in the Spheres of Justice, Freedom, and Security

Over the past three years, the Uzbek authorities have increasingly place citizens living abroad — those who openly criticize the authorities for human rights violations or comment on cases of repression and torture — on international wanted lists based on fabricated and politically motivated criminal charges.

Such practices undermine confidence in Uzbekistan’s judicial system, as they demonstrate the absence of genuine guarantees of fair trial, independent oversight, and accountability mechanisms. If unaddressed, this policy could also create serious reputational risks for the European Union.

Return to the Practice of Forced Labour

The use of forced labour in cotton production has re-emerged. As before, the campaigns are coordinated by regional and district hokims (governors), who forcibly mobilize teachers and public-sector employees to participate in seasonal fieldwork.

Our Recommendations to the European Union

Within the framework of cooperation between the EU and Uzbekistan, we urge the European Union to:

• Include respect for human rights and the rule of law among the binding conditions for the signing and implementation of the EPCA;

• Raise the case of Dauletmurat Tazhimuratov and other political prisoners in the agenda of the EU–Uzbekistan political dialogue;

• Make the release of all persons imprisoned on politically motivated charges a precondition for any deepening of partnership with Uzbekistan.

We Call on the Authorities of Uzbekistan to:

• End restrictions on the work of human rights defenders and ensure safe conditions for their independent monitoring activities;

• Remove politically motivated obstacles to the registration of human rights organizations, in particular the NGO “Human Rights House” led by Agzam Turgunov;

• Guarantee genuine conditions for the registration and operation of opposition political parties, ensuring freedom of association and political pluralism in line with Uzbekistan’s international human rights obligations;

• Cease surveillance, harassment, and other forms of persecution against independent journalists, activists, and human rights defenders;

• Review the case of lawyer and blogger Dauletmurat Tazhimuratov, sentenced to 16 years in prison for his peaceful participation in the 2022 protests in Karakalpakstan;

• Conduct an independent, transparent, and impartial investigation into the events of 1–2 July 2022 in Karakalpakstan;

• Ensure compliance with Uzbekistan’s international human rights obligations, including the rights to freedom of expression, assembly, and protection from torture;

• End the misuse of international search and extradition mechanisms under Interpol, the CIS, and the SCO for politically motivated purposes;

• Establish effective national mechanisms for legal redress to restore the rights of former political prisoners and Uzbek citizens who have refugee status abroad;

• Eradicate the practice of forced labour in the cotton sector through genuine reform and by granting farmers real economic freedoms, including the right to make autonomous decisions regarding the use of their land.

Turkmenistan: Drop New Charges, Release Civic Activist Murat Dushemov

 

The Norwegian Helsinki Committee, Turkmen.News, Turkmen Initiative forHuman Rights, International Partnership for Human Rights and Association forHuman Rights in Cental Asia (AHRCA) call on authorities in Turkmenistan to drop new criminal charges initiated against civic activist Murat Dushemov in apparent retaliation for his activism and to release him immediately.

Turkmen civil activist and political prisoner Murat Dushemov did not return home after the end of his unjust four-year prison sentence on June 14, 2025. According to information from Turkmen.News, authorities initiated new criminal charges against him shortly before his anticipated release, allegedly over a fight with a fellow prisoner – an incident believed to have been staged to incriminate him. He currently remains in  detention, with the trial on the new charges expected soon.

Murat Dushemov was originally imprisoned in 2021 on charges of extortion and infliction of bodily harm, widely viewed as  retaliation for his peaceful civic activism. He had publicly challenged the Turkmen government’s denial of the COVID-19 pandemic, questioned the legal basis of mask mandates and vaccination requirements, and refused to comply without justification—actions that led to repeated harassment and politically motivated charges. At that time, Dushemov was also accused of allegedly attacking and injuring co-detainees.

Both human rights defenders and international experts have expressed serious concerns about the politically-motivated nature of the charges leading to Dushemov’s 2021 prison sentence. During its review of Turkmenistan in 2023, the UN Human Rights Committee called for his release – an issue the government promised to consider. However, it has failed to follow through on this commitment.

The new alleged prison incident  involving Dushemov—used to justify the fresh charges— appears to be a fabricated pretext to extend his detention and penalize him for continuing to stand up for his rights while in prison.

Dushemov is accused of injuring a fellow prisoner during a fight. However, in a message conveyed through his lawyer, the activist firmly denied the charges and stated that the new case against him is the result of a deliberate provocation. Dushemov said: “The person who filed the complaint against me deliberately injured himself by hitting a wall, he then smeared it with his own blood, and  falsely accused me. They’re trying to slander me again to prolong my detention.”

For several days after the expiration of Dushemov’s sentence, his family had no information about his whereabouts. It was only thanks to the persistent efforts of his mother, Tyazegul Mammedova, that they learned that he had been transferred from prison LB-E/12 in Lebap region – where head been serving his sentence – to detention center LB-D/9 (also known as "Abdy-Shukur" prison) in Turkmenabat. Although his mother visited the detention center twice, she was not allowed to see him, with prison guards indicating that a visit might only be possible after his trial. She also did not receive any information about the new charges against him. However, during Mammedova’s second visit on June 23, she was permitted to leave a parcel for her son, and she met with his state-appointed lawyer, who conveyed the message from him quoted above.

There are credible signs that the Turkmen security services are seeking to suppress information about the case. The Dushemov family's communication with contacts abroad appears to have been intentionally hindered. On June 24, an unidentified man visited their home in Bezmein, falsely claiming to respond to a Wi-Fi service request, after which their internet connection was cut off.

Moreover, in a further worrying development, the family reportedly faced additional pressure following a heartfelt video appeal addressed to President Serdar Berdymukhamedov by Tyazegul Mammedova. In the appeal, Mammedova insisted on her son’s innocence and urged the president to intervene, saying she ‘’couldn’t bear’’ to see him imprisoned again. After the appeal was published on June 25, Murat Dushemov’s younger brother, Alty, received a phone call from a local court official inquiring about his alimony payments — a call that appeared intended to intimidate him.

We call on the Turkmen government to immediately and unconditionally release Murat Dushemov and to stop harassing him and his family for his peaceful exercise of civic freedoms. Turkmenistan’s international partners should also press for Dushemov’s release and for an end to the broader pattern of persecution targeting civic activists, journalists and others critical of the Turkmen authorities.