Turkmenistan: Drop New Charges, Release Civic Activist Murat Dushemov

 

The Norwegian Helsinki Committee, Turkmen.News, Turkmen Initiative forHuman Rights, International Partnership for Human Rights and Association forHuman Rights in Cental Asia (AHRCA) call on authorities in Turkmenistan to drop new criminal charges initiated against civic activist Murat Dushemov in apparent retaliation for his activism and to release him immediately.

Turkmen civil activist and political prisoner Murat Dushemov did not return home after the end of his unjust four-year prison sentence on June 14, 2025. According to information from Turkmen.News, authorities initiated new criminal charges against him shortly before his anticipated release, allegedly over a fight with a fellow prisoner – an incident believed to have been staged to incriminate him. He currently remains in  detention, with the trial on the new charges expected soon.

Murat Dushemov was originally imprisoned in 2021 on charges of extortion and infliction of bodily harm, widely viewed as  retaliation for his peaceful civic activism. He had publicly challenged the Turkmen government’s denial of the COVID-19 pandemic, questioned the legal basis of mask mandates and vaccination requirements, and refused to comply without justification—actions that led to repeated harassment and politically motivated charges. At that time, Dushemov was also accused of allegedly attacking and injuring co-detainees.

Both human rights defenders and international experts have expressed serious concerns about the politically-motivated nature of the charges leading to Dushemov’s 2021 prison sentence. During its review of Turkmenistan in 2023, the UN Human Rights Committee called for his release – an issue the government promised to consider. However, it has failed to follow through on this commitment.

The new alleged prison incident  involving Dushemov—used to justify the fresh charges— appears to be a fabricated pretext to extend his detention and penalize him for continuing to stand up for his rights while in prison.

Dushemov is accused of injuring a fellow prisoner during a fight. However, in a message conveyed through his lawyer, the activist firmly denied the charges and stated that the new case against him is the result of a deliberate provocation. Dushemov said: “The person who filed the complaint against me deliberately injured himself by hitting a wall, he then smeared it with his own blood, and  falsely accused me. They’re trying to slander me again to prolong my detention.”

For several days after the expiration of Dushemov’s sentence, his family had no information about his whereabouts. It was only thanks to the persistent efforts of his mother, Tyazegul Mammedova, that they learned that he had been transferred from prison LB-E/12 in Lebap region – where head been serving his sentence – to detention center LB-D/9 (also known as "Abdy-Shukur" prison) in Turkmenabat. Although his mother visited the detention center twice, she was not allowed to see him, with prison guards indicating that a visit might only be possible after his trial. She also did not receive any information about the new charges against him. However, during Mammedova’s second visit on June 23, she was permitted to leave a parcel for her son, and she met with his state-appointed lawyer, who conveyed the message from him quoted above.

There are credible signs that the Turkmen security services are seeking to suppress information about the case. The Dushemov family's communication with contacts abroad appears to have been intentionally hindered. On June 24, an unidentified man visited their home in Bezmein, falsely claiming to respond to a Wi-Fi service request, after which their internet connection was cut off.

Moreover, in a further worrying development, the family reportedly faced additional pressure following a heartfelt video appeal addressed to President Serdar Berdymukhamedov by Tyazegul Mammedova. In the appeal, Mammedova insisted on her son’s innocence and urged the president to intervene, saying she ‘’couldn’t bear’’ to see him imprisoned again. After the appeal was published on June 25, Murat Dushemov’s younger brother, Alty, received a phone call from a local court official inquiring about his alimony payments — a call that appeared intended to intimidate him.

We call on the Turkmen government to immediately and unconditionally release Murat Dushemov and to stop harassing him and his family for his peaceful exercise of civic freedoms. Turkmenistan’s international partners should also press for Dushemov’s release and for an end to the broader pattern of persecution targeting civic activists, journalists and others critical of the Turkmen authorities.

 

 

Uzbekistan: 20-year anniversary of the Andijan events: time to face up to the pas

 

The Uzbekistani authorities continue to suppress the memory of the Andijan tragedy

Twenty years after the massacre in Andijan, victims and witnesses remain fearful of speaking out about the events that claimed hundreds of civilian lives, as the authorities continue to suppress the truth about the tragedy, the Association for Human Rights in Central Asia (AHRCA), the Norwegian Helsinki Committee (NHC) and International Partnership for Human Rights (IPHR) said in a statement today. The three organisations called on the Uzbekistani authorities to finally facilitate an independent and transparent investigation into the tragic events to ensure accountability and deliver justice to the many victims.

On 13 May 2005, thousands of protestors gathered in front of the Andijan regional administration building amid rumours that President Karimov would would arrive that day to meet with them. The crowd included supporters of 23 Andijan entrepreneurs who were on trial for extremism due to their alleged membership in the banned Akramiya organisation. Protesters also voiced broader grievances related to social issues and perceived misconduct by state officials. In response, law enforcement authorities used disproportionate and indiscriminate force, resulting in the deaths of hundreds of civilians. While official figures put the death toll at 187, refugees from Andijan estimate the number to be much higher. Following these events, thousands of people were reportedly forced into exile.

The international community unanimously condemned the excessive violence used against protestors in Andijan and called for an independent international investigation. This was rejected by Tashkent. In response, the European Union imposed sanctions on Uzbekistan, banning 12 officials from entering the EU, imposing an arms embargo, and partially suspending its Partnership and Cooperation Agreement with Uzbekistan. The sanctions were gradually eased over the following years before being fully lifted in 2009. The US also condemned the Uzbekistani government's actions in Andijan and closed its military base in Khanabad.

In the aftermath of the Andijan events, the authorities launched a large-scale crackdown on civil society, during which hundreds of witnesses to the events reportedly were arrested for openly supporting calls for an independent international investigation. By spring 2006, almost 40 human rights activists and journalists had been imprisoned on trumped-up charges – a number that continued to grow in the subsequent period. The names of civil society activists and political emigrants were reportedly listed by the security services alongside the names of terrorists.

Most of those who fled Uzbekistan after the Andijan events later lost their Uzbekistani citizenship due to the government’s restrictive policies and have been unable to regain it, although some have been allowed to visit the country for short periods. 

Even years after the 2005 protests, former Andijan residents have been prosecuted and convicted for their participation in the 2005 protests. For example, on 5 January 2023, Kayumov Mukhamadvali was sentenced to over 15 years in prison on such charges. After living in Sweden for 18 years, separated from his wife and children, he returned to Uzbekistan based on assurances from the Uzbekistani embassy in Sweden that it would be safe for him to do so.

When President Mirziyoyev came to power in 2016, he ordered the release of dozens of imprisoned civil society activists, journalists and others, and announced systemic reforms to address past injustices and open up Uzbekistan to the international community. President Mirziyoyev’s early steps ushered in a cautious optimism and earned his regime an improved international image.

However, in recent years Uzbekistan has experienced backsliding on human rights and a shrinking space for freedom of expression and dissent. In this context, witnesses to the Andijan tragedy remain fearful of speaking out. At the same time, despite President Mirziyoyev’s pledges to address past injustices, authorities have yet to bring the perpetrators of the unlawful killings in Andijan to justice and still refuse to verify information about reported mass graves related to the events. They have taken no transparent steps to clarify the circumstances of the 2005 tragedy and continue to refuse calls from the international community to conduct an independent international investigation. Most of the human rights defenders and journalists who were imprisoned for documenting the Andijan events have not been rehabilitated, although released, and there are reports that security officials have threatened them with renewed arrest should they actively pursue this matter.

In another apparent attempt to avoid confronting the past, works are currently being carried out at the site of the Andijan events, with a business centre planned for Bobur square where the violence took place. 

We are deeply concerned that the current Uzbekistani administration has failed to address impunity for both the 2005 abuses in Andijan and more recent gross violations – particularly the violent suppression of mass protests in Karakalpakstan in July 2022, when at least 21 people died according to official figures, with unofficial sources estimating a much higher toll. AHRCA, NHC and IPHR call on the Uzbekistani authorities to take decisive action to thoroughly and impartially investigate these injustices and ensure accountability– a crucial step toward building a society based on the rule of law. The three organisations also call on the international community, including the European Union, to reaffirm their demands for justice – both for the atrocities committed in Andijan and for the more recent deaths in Karakalpakstan.

 

Joint Appeal to French President Macron: Raise Pressing Human Rights Concerns During Uzbek President Mirziyoyev’s Visit

 

As Uzbekistan’s President Shavkat Mirziyoyev pays an official state visit to France on 11-13 March 2025, the Association for Human Rights in Central Asia (AHRCA), International Partnership for Human Rights (IPHR) and the Norwegian Helsinki Committee (NHC) call on President Emmanuel Macron to raise the alarming deterioration of freedom of expression and the persecution of independent social media commentators in Uzbekistan during his meetings with President Mirziyoyev.

Despite official commitments to reform, Uzbekistani authorities continue to suppress free speech, using criminal prosecution and even forced psychiatric detention to silence critical voices. Independent journalists, bloggers, and social media commentators who highlight corruption, nepotism, or other politically sensitive issues risk harassment, detention, and imprisonment. Uzbekistan’s ranking in the 2024 Reporters Without Borders Press Freedom Index dropped significantly, reflecting the worsening climate for free expression.

Despite official commitments to reform, Uzbekistani authorities continue to suppress free speech, using criminal prosecution and even forced psychiatric detention to silence critical voices. Independent journalists, bloggers, and social media commentators who highlight corruption, nepotism, or other politically sensitive issues risk harassment, detention, and imprisonment. Uzbekistan’s ranking in the 2024 Reporters Without Borders Press Freedom Index dropped significantly, reflecting the worsening climate for free expression.

The following two cases – involving the abuse of psychiatric detention to silence dissent - illustrate the repression faced by independent voices in Uzbekistan:

― Shahida Salomova, a 62-year-old human rights defender and administrator of a popular blog providing legal guidance to victims of unlawful house demolitions, has been arbitrarily detained in psychiatric hospitals since 2023. She was arrested on defamation charges after a social media post in which she condemned polygamy, referring to an alleged case involving a close relative of the president. She is currently held in the Republican Psychiatric Hospital of Intensive Observation in Tashkent, where she is reportedly administered psychotropic medication against her will and kept in full isolation from the outside world. Her health conditions, including diabetes, asthma, high blood pressure, and others, have reportedly deteriorated in detention.

― Validjon Kalonov, a blogger who criticized Uzbekistan’s relations with China and called for democratic change, was detained on charges of insulting the president in 2021 and forcibly placed in a psychiatric hospital in Jizzak region. Recently, he attempted suicide while in detention, highlighting the severe psychological toll of Uzbekistan’s repression. While his life was saved, his current health condition remains unknown.

For these reasons, we are deeply concerned about the current health and well-being of Salomova and Kalonov.

The misuse of psychiatric detention for political persecution is a deeply troubling practice reminiscent of Soviet-era abuses. It has no place in a country that claims to be pursuing democratic reforms.

As France strengthens its economic and political ties with Uzbekistan, we urge President Macron to place human rights at the centre of these discussions. Specifically, we call on him to:

• Urge President Mirziyoyev to end the persecution of independent human rights defenders, bloggers, and social media commentators, including the use of punitive psychiatric detention; and to ensure the immediate release of Shahida Salomova, Validjon Kalonov, and others detained for peacefully exercising their freedom of expression;

• Press Uzbekistan to uphold its international human rights obligations, including freedom of expression, fair trial rights, the right to liberty and security, and freedom from torture and ill-treatment.

France has long been a champion of press freedom and human rights. This visit presents a critical opportunity to reaffirm these principles and advocate for those whose voices have been silenced. We urge President Macron to stand in solidarity with Uzbekistan’s independent voices and to ensure that human rights remain central to French-Uzbek relations.

 

Mukhsinjon Akhmedov: Imprisoned following an unfair trial in Uzbekistan after unlawful deportation from France

Association for Human Rights in Central Asia (AHRCA), International Partnership for Human Rights (IPHR), Helsinki Foundation for Human Rights (HFHR), and the Norwegian Helsinki Committee are concerned that Mukhsinjon Akhmedov, who was unlawfully deported by France in November 2023 despite a ruling by the European Court of Human Rights to halt his deportation, is serving five years’ imprisonment in Uzbekistan, following an unfair trial. The organisations are urging Uzbekistan to review his case in proceedings that meet international fair trial standards. 

On 4 July 2015, three police officers visited  Mukhsinjon Akhmedov’s home in the city of Kokand in the Ferghana valley of Uzbekistan, informing  him that he was accused of involvement with the Islamist Hizb ut-Tahrir movement that is banned in Uzbekistan, searched his house, confiscated his cell phone and several audio disks containing contemporary music and took him to the local police station. Reportedly, no search and arrest warrants were presented. According to Akhmedov, the police targeted him on the request of a relative of his ex-wife, who reportedly used his contacts with law enforcement officers to settle scores in a family conflict. 

He was held in custody for three days. The officers reportedly attempted to find evidence of crime and ill-treated him to force him to confess. Reportedly, they questioned him about where he got his mobile phone and how he was able to afford it. When he explained that he bought it in Russia with the money he earned as a migrant worker on a construction site, they reportedly accused him of not declaring it in his customs declaration when he returned to Uzbekistan. They also questioned him about his religious beliefs and practices, accusing him of involvement with Hizb ut-Tahrir. Reportedly, police officers beat him on the head, face and chest. At some point three masked officers reportedly  hit him on the body with truncheons and threatened “to destroy his family” if he lodged complaints about the ill-treatment. 

According to Mukhsinjon Akhmedov, he did not confess to any crimes and because the officers found no evidence of crime on his confiscated phone and disks he was released from custody on 6 July. 

Two days later he went to a medical clinic where doctors confirmed that he had bruises on his face, neck and chest. Subsequently, Akhmedov and his mother lodged complaints with the prosecutor’s office, several government ministries and the Ombudsperson, indicating the names of the officers reportedly involved in ill-treating him. 

The Ferghana Regional Prosecutor’s Office informed Akhmedov that an inspection had been opened into his allegations and  stated that a video recording of a speech by Tahir Yuldashev, (the now-deceased former leader of the banned Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan, a group that promoted violence to achieve its political agenda), had been found on his mobile phone that had been confiscated during the search. Akhmedov maintains that he never saved a speech by Yuldashev on his phone and that this accusation was fabricated in retaliation for  his and his mothers’ persistent complaints about the police abuse in detention. No criminal case was opened against the police officers who allegedly ill-treated Akhmedov.

In February 2016, Akhmedov was called to the police station and informed that he was charged with “attacking the constitutional order” (Article 159), “producing, storing, distributing or displaying materials containing a threat to public security and public order” (Art. 244-1), and “smuggling” (Article 246). To his surprise, he was not detained, but  told that he was prohibited to leave Uzbekistan. The charges were reportedly connected to his failure to declare the mobile phone he bought in Russia and the speech by Yuldashev that the authorities claimed was saved on his phone.

Mukhsinjon Akhmedov knew that he would not be given a fair trial and found a way to leave Uzbekistan for Russia. In fear of being detained by Russian authorities and returned to Uzbekistan, he then travelled to Estonia. When his asylum application was rejected in 2019, he moved to France where he lived until his deportation in November 2023, although the European Court of Human Rights had ordered interim measures (Rule 39 of the Rules of Court) urging France not to deport him while his case was being reviewed.

On 7 December 2023, the Constitutional Court for Administrative Affairs in France ruled that Akhmedov’s “expulsion to Uzbekistan, in violation of the interim measure ordered by the European Court of Human Rights, constitutes a serious and manifestly unlawful interference with fundamental freedom.” The Court also ordered the Minister of the Interior and Overseas Territories and the Minister of Europe and Foreign Affairs to take all necessary measures to return Akhmedov to France at the expense of the French State as soon as possible. In addition, the Constitutional Court ordered the French state to pay Akhmedov 3000 EUR in compensation.

On 15 November, upon arrival at Tashkent airport, Akhmedov was immediately taken into custody on suspicion of committing crimes under articles 159, 244-1 and 246 of the Criminal Code of Uzbekistan. On 4 January 2024, the Kokand Criminal Court found Akhmedov guilty and sentenced him to five years’ imprisonment. There are allegations that the trial was not conducted in line with international fair trial standards and that key points raised by Akhmedov’s lawyers were not adequately addressed. 

For example, when he and his lawyers familiarized themselves with the case file, they noticed that investigators claimed that the prohibited recording of Yuldashev’s speech was saved on a mobile phone of type Sony Xperia U ST25i, but Akhmedov’s phone is a Sony Xperia Z1 Compact. Although this discrepancy was raised during the trial and although the allegation that Akhmedov saved Yuldashev’s speech on his phone is linked to the charges against him is linked to the charges against him, the judge ruled that it was Akhmedov’s phone that contained the prohibited recording. In addition, the verdict relies centrally on an incriminating testimony of Akhmedov’s ex-wife, obtained by investigators in 2014, although she told the court in 2024 that she wished to retract it as she had been forced to incriminate him by police under threat of arrest. Additionally, the judge did not take into account his allegations of torture and ill-treatment referring to his time in detention back in 2014.

On 12 March 2024, Fergana Regional Criminal Court ruled on Akhmedov’s appeal and left the verdict unchanged. In October 2024, a further appeal was considered and also turned down. Currently, his lawyers are preparing a supervisory appeal to the Supreme Court of Uzbekistan. 

Uzbekistan: Former Diplomat Kadyr Yusupov has passed away

Former diplomat Kadyr Yusupov passed away on 14 November 2024 at the age of 73. The Association for Human Rights in Central Asia (AHRCA), Helsinki Foundation for Human Rights (HFHR), International Partnership for Human Rights (IPHR), and the Norwegian Helsinki Committee (NHC) send their sincere condolences to his family and friends.

Following his conviction in January 2020, Yusupov first served his sentence in the KIN-4 penal colony in Navoi (southwest Uzbekistan), where he was allegedly subjected to torture and held in deplorable detention conditions that seriously endangered his health and well-being. He was subsequently transferred to the KIN-42 settlement colony in the Zangiata district of Tashkent region, where he was for the last two and a half years prior to his release.

In December 2018 he was arrested on charges of treason which appear to have been based on a statement he made during a psychotic episode, when he was undergoing medical  treatment. Whilst in hospital, suffering from brain trauma and clearly confused, Yusupov reportedly said that he had been a spy for the West. There are credible allegations that state security officers repeatedly threatened Yusupov in pre-trial detention, saying that he, his wife and daughter would be raped unless he confessed to the accusations.

In January 2020 he was found guilty of treason before being imprisoned for five and a half years following a closed, unfair trial, during which Yusupov maintained his innocence.

Yusupov reported that he had been subjected to torture in the prison colony KIN-4 in Navoi (southwest Uzbekistan), where he served his sentence from January 2020 to December 2021.  He suffered from poor prison conditions, as described inan  opinion adopted by the the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detentionon  4 June 2021: “ The detention of Mr. Yusupov took place in deplorable conditions, which is especially alarming noting his state of health. He was also denied medication and treatment for the very serious health conditions from which he suffers.”

In December 2021, he was transferred to the penal colony-settlement KIN-42 in the Zangiata district of Tashkent region, where he reported that he was treated humanely. 

He was released on 10 June 2024, after serving his full sentence.However, following his release, Yusupov was placed under administrative supervision for a year, with restrictions on his freedom of  movement and participation in public events.

Despite his release,  the post-traumatic stress following his treatment at the hands of the Uzbekistani authorities took its toll. Yusupov suffered from depression and disillusionment in his search for justice in the days before his death. After his release he reportedly often told his children: ".. my most beloved ones, I am tired.."

We call on the Uzbekistani authorities to fulfil their international human rights commitments as reflected in the opinion of the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention, which found his detention to be arbitrary, and urged the government of Uzbekistan “to ensure a full and independent investigation into the circumstances of Mr. Yusupov’s arbitrary deprivation of liberty and to take appropriate action against those responsible for violating his rights.” These recommendations remain fully relevant despite Kadyr Yusupov’s tragic passing.

 

 

 

 

 

Kyrgyzstan: Drop charges against 11 journalists and human rights defenders

As proceedings against 11 independent journalists and human rights defenders (HRDs) in Kyrgyzstan near conclusion, Amnesty International, Araminta, ARTICLE 19, Association for Human Rights in Central Asia, Civil Rights Defenders, Freedom for Eurasia, Freedom Now, Front Line Defenders, International Partnership for Human Rights, Norwegian Helsinki Committee, and People in Need call on the authorities to drop the charges and end the ongoing crackdown on free speech. The criminal charges against the journalists and HRDs are a textbook example of retaliation against investigative journalism and reporting on high-level corruption, the human rights groups said.

In mid-January 2024, law enforcement in Kyrgyzstan detained the 11 journalists and HRDs during a series of late-night raids, alleging that their critical reporting incited civil disobedience and mass unrest. The targeted individuals are Sapar Akunbekov, Tynystan Asypbekov, Aike Beishekeyeva, Joodar Buzumov, Azamat Ishenbekov, Aktilek Kaparov, Akyl Orozbekov, Saypidin Sultanaliev, Makhabat Tazhikbek Kyzy, Maksat Tazhibek Uulu and Jumabek Turdaliev. They have all been charged under Article 278.3 of the Criminal Code, which penalises “calls for active disobedience to the legal demands of government officials, incitement to mass riots, and violence against citizens” with up to eight years imprisonment. This broadly worded provision has been increasingly misused to target government critics. Since their arrest in January 2024, six of the journalists and HRDs have been released into house arrest and one under a travel ban, while four – Makhabat Tazhibek Kyzy, Aktilek Kaparov, Aike Beishekeyeva and Azamat Ishenbekov – remain in pretrial detention.

All of the 11 journalists and HRDs are current or former employees of the investigative YouTube Channel Temirov Live. They were prosecuted in relation to  video reports published by  Temirov Live and its affiliated channel “Ait Ait Dese,” which implicated high-level government officials in large-scale corruption. Journalist and HRD  Bolot Temirov, founder of both media outlets, has lived in exile since November 2022, when authorities de-facto stripped him of his Kyrgyzstani citizenship on trumped-up charges and expelled him from the country.

On 26 September 2024 state prosecutors requested a six-year’ prison sentence for all the defendants. After a delay in proceedings, a verdict is expected to be pronounced in the Leninsky District Court in Bishkek on 10 October 2024. Throughout the trial, the state investigators and the prosecution have not presented any credible evidence of calls for mass unrest, riots, violence, or “disobedience.” Instead, the prosecution has argued that the journalists’ and HRDs’ reporting on corruption discredited the authorities, which could potentially lead to riots and civil unrest.

In April 2024, one of the defendants, Makhabat Tazhibek Kyzy was physically assaulted in Pre-Trial Detention Center #1 in Bishkek, suffering bruises on her arms, face, and the left side of her jaw. However, in June 2024 prosecutors refused to open a criminal case into the alleged ill-treatment, claiming she had fabricated her injuries.

In July 2024, Makhabat Tazhibek Kyzy, Azamat Ishembekov, Aktylek Kaparov, and Ayke Beyshekeeva attended the court hearing wearing t-shirts that read “Ak iilet, birok synbait,” which translates from Kyrgyz as “the truth bends, but does not break.” The following day prison authorities raided the journalists’ cells and confiscated these t-shirts in yet another act of silencing.

By targeting the 11 journalists and HRDs for publishing their independent investigative work, the authorities have already undermined free speech and media freedoms in Kyrgyzstan. Their conviction and imprisonment would deal a new, severe blow to these fundamental freedoms. This move will further entrench self-censorship and heighten fears of prosecution among journalists, HRDs and civil society. Kyrgyzstan is wrongfully prosecuting some of the country’s most respected journalists and HRDs, whose only ‘crime’ is their persistent independent investigations into high-level corruption. The undersigned human rights organisations urge the authorities to drop the bogus charges against all the defendants in the case, release them, and ensure that all journalists and HRDs in Kyrgyzstan can carry out their activities without fear of reprisals, in line with Kyrgyzstan’s constitution and its international human rights obligations.

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For more information on recent trends affecting freedom of speech and other fundamental freedoms in Kyrgyzstan, see briefing paper issued by AHRCA and partners.

Crackdown on civic freedoms in Central Asia: NGOs highlight alarming trends

Civic space is becoming increasingly restricted in Central Asia, and civil society representatives are facing unprecedented challenges across the region. International Partnership for Human Rights (IPHR) and its regional partners call on the international community to use all available platforms to address these alarming trends and advocate for meaningful reforms that reverse repressive policies and safeguard civic freedoms. As international engagement in Central Asia grows, stakeholders should prioritise supporting the region’s embattled civil society, recognising its vital role in advancing democratic governance, human rights, the rule of law, justice, and public well-being.

A new briefing paper, jointly published by IPHR, Kazakhstan International Bureau for Human Rights and Rule of Law, Turkmen Initiative for Human Rights, and the Association for Human Rights in Central Asia, outlines pressing issues regarding restrictions on the freedoms of expression, association, and assembly in the five Central Asian countries (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan). The paper is released in connection with the Warsaw Human Dimension Conference, which gathers OSCE participating States, institutions, civil society, and other important stakeholders from 30 September to 11 October 2024, to discuss human rights in the OSCE region.

The briefing paper covers the following key issues:

Excessive and unjustified restrictions on civil society organizations (CSOs): The recent enactment of a foreign agent-style NGO law in Kyrgyzstan has raised particular alarm. The so-called 'law on foreign representatives' imposes stigmatising registration requirements and intrusive state oversight on foreign-funded NGOs engaged in 'political' activities - a term so broadly defined that it could encompass core CSO operations. Non-compliance may lead to severe consequences, including the suspension or liquidation of NGOs. The law has created widespread anxiety among CSOs, causing some to self-liquidate and others to restrict their activities to avoid repercussions. It also sets a troubling precedent for other Central Asian countries, where CSOs receiving foreign funding already face enhanced government scrutiny and widespread suspicion. The recent move in Kazakhstan to publicly list foreign-funded CSOs has reinforced these concerns.

At the same time, significant obstacles to CSO operations persist in the region. In Tajikistan, several hundred CSOs have been forcibly closed or pressured to shut down since 2022, leading to a sharp decline in the civil society sector. In Uzbekistan, human rights groups continue to struggle to obtain compulsory state registration, while in Turkmenistan, no human rights monitoring or advocacy groups are registered or able to operate openly.

Pressure on independent media and restrictions on access to information: The media climate in Kyrgyzstan, once relatively free, has deteriorated significantly due to government raids, arrests of journalists, forced media closure initiatives, and blocking of news sites. In Kazakhstan, independent media and journalists face regular harassment, and a new media law adopted in summer 2024 raises concerns about increased pressure, particularly on foreign outlets. Tajikistan's media crackdown has intensified, as authorities heavily interfere with media operations and currently imprison more journalists than in any other country in the region. Turkmenistan maintains strict censorship, limiting internet access and persecuting those who challenge the official narrative. In Uzbekistan, despite official rhetoric supporting free speech, independent information platforms, journalists and bloggers are increasingly targeted by retaliatory actions, and draft legislation under consideration risks resulting in new restrictions on media content and operations.

Across the region, authorities use concerns about disinformation, extremism and so-called traditional values as pretexts to stifle critical speech and restrict access to information.

Restrictions on the freedom of assembly and lack of accountability for serious human rights violations: In 2022, authorities used harsh measures to suppress mass protests during the ‘Bloody January’ events in Kazakhstan, in the Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Region (GBAO) in Tajikistan, and in the Republic of Karakalpakstan in Uzbekistan. Serious human rights violations, including excessive force, torture, and other abuses related to these events, have largely gone unpunished as authorities have failed to adequately investigate these allegations and hold perpetrators accountable.

Meanwhile, the right to peaceful assembly continues to be violated across the region. In Kyrgyzstan, a prolonged court-sanctioned ban on protests remains in place in central Bishkek, while in Kazakhstan, authorities routinely deny permission for peaceful protests and arbitrarily detain and penalise protesters before, during, and after assemblies. In Turkmenistan, authorities suppress spontaneous protests while forcibly mobilising citizens for state-organised events, threatening them with reprisals if they do not participate.

Persecution of critical voices: Throughout Central Asia, civil society activists, human rights defenders, journalists, and bloggers who criticise government policies, speak out against human rights violations, and advocate for accountability face severe persecution. They are subjected to surveillance, threats, and attacks, and are arrested, prosecuted in trials which do not meet international fair trial standards, and imprisoned in retaliation for exercising their freedoms of expression, association, and assembly. Those prosecuted often face charges initiated under broadly worded Criminal Code provisions used to suppress free speech, such as those related to disseminating ‘false’ or slanderous information, inciting hatred, or alleged extremism. Others are charged with fabricated offenses like extortion or fraud.

There are significant concerns about individuals serving politically-motivated prison sentences under harsh conditions.

Repression also extends beyond borders, with critical voices abroad increasingly targeted through transnational measures. Additionally, intimidation and harassment frequently extend to family members, creating a pervasive climate of fear and silencing dissent in the region.

The briefing paper is based on ongoing cooperation between IPHR and its Central Asian partners on monitoring and documenting civic space developments in the framework of the CIVICUS Monitor, an initiative that tracks and rates civic freedoms across the world. The CIVICUS Monitor currently classifies civic space as ‘repressed’ in Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan, with scores of 40 and 27, respectively (on a scale from 0 to 100 where 0 is the worst and 100 the best). Meanwhile, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan are rated as ‘closed’, scoring 18, 12, and 8, respectively. This means that all Central Asian countries now fall into one of the two worst categories.

The briefing paper can bedownloaded below.