4.2.21

UNGASS 2021: COMMIT TO TRANSPARENCY IN COMPANY OWNERSHIP FOR THE COMMON GOOD

On International Anti-Corruption Day 2020, a group comprised of leading economists, trade unions and civil society organisations tackling issues from human rights, to poverty, to business integrity, have come together to call for an end to the abuse of anonymous companies.

          Illustration: Sheyda Sabetian

THE APPEAL

The UN General Assembly’s decision to hold a Special Session against Corruption in 2021 created a historic opportunity for the international community to address the global crisis of corruption.

The undersigned groups and individuals are united in the conviction that it is of the utmost urgency for the UNGASS 2021 to put an end to the abuse of anonymous companies and other legal vehicles that facilitate cross-border corruption and other crimes. We are calling on the UNGASS 2021 to commit to making centralised, public beneficial ownership registers a global standard.

Companies that exist only on paper, exploiting our legal systems and concealing their ultimate ownership, are tools for the diversion of critical resources needed to advance sustainable development and collective security.

For decades, as scandal after scandal has demonstrated, anonymous shell companies have been used to divert public funds, channel bribes and conceal ill-gotten gains, as part of corruption and money laundering schemes stretching across borders.

Beneficial ownership information – information on the natural persons who ultimately own, control or benefit from a legal vehicle – enables cross-border enforcement and the tracing of ill-gotten assets for confiscation and return. In public contracting processes, it helps in the detection of conflicts of interest and corruption. It also makes it easier for businesses to carry out due diligence, helps them know who their partners and customers are and meet reporting obligations.

A central, public register of companies and their ultimate beneficial owners – in addition to information on legal ownership and directors – is the most effective and practical way to record such information and facilitate timely access for all stakeholders.

We have come together to address government leaders currently preparing for UNGASS 2021 with one voice and one clear message: The “concise and action-oriented political declaration” to be adopted by the General Assembly should commit all countries to establish central, public registers of beneficial ownership as the new global standard. This should be supplemented with efforts to verify the collected information in order to ensure the accuracy and reliability of beneficial ownership data.

Transparency in company ownership is more than a technical solution to a problem. It is a matter of social justice.

Corruption devastates the lives of billions of people around the world, while its deadliness has become all the more evident during the COVID-19 pandemic and the climate crisis. With only ten years left to achieve the 2030 Agenda targets, we need decisive reforms to ensure that the resources needed to pay for critical public services such as schools and hospitals are not simply misappropriated and hidden away in tax havens or property markets abroad. Centralised, public registers of beneficial ownership as a global standard is precisely that kind of change.

The time for action is now.

The appeal is also available in French, Russian and Spanish.



21.12.20

Human rights impact assessment of the Covid-19 response in Uzbekistan


A new briefing paper prepared by International Partnership for Human Rights (IPHR) and Association for Human Rights in Central Asia (AHRCA) examines the human rights impact of Uzbekistan’s response to the COVID-19 pandemic.
  

Soon after the first cases of COVID-19 were r/egistered in Uzbekistan in March 2020, the government introduced restrictive measures amounting to a lockdown but stopped short of declaring a state of emergency. In May, the authorities introduced a colour-coded system of zones, which was in effect until October, and reflected the degree to which an area of the country was affected by the pandemic. Each colour was associated with different sets of measures. The pandemic and measures to contain it have severely affected Uzbekistan; the economy has suffered and hundreds of thousands of people have seen their socio-economic situation worsen. It has also highlighted the underlying weaknesses of the Uzbekistani healthcare system – medical officials sounded the alarm as early as in July when some 8000 cases had been registered, warning that the healthcare system was reaching full capacity and since then the number of cases has increased significantly.
  
Freedom of expression in Uzbekistan, already tightly controlled before the pandemic, has come under even more pressure as the authorities have cracked down on independent, non-official information relating to this public health crisis, arguing that it might cause panic amongst the population as well as on those voicing criticisms about the government’s COVID-19 policy. Medical doctors who have questioned the COVID-19 response have faced pressure and, in at least one case, criminal prosecution.
  
Civil society sources have disputed the official COVID-19 statistics and compiled and shared lists on social media of cases of deaths which are likely associated with the virus; these numbers significantly exceed the official statistics.
  
Legislation introduced earlier this year penalising the dissemination of false information about infectious diseases with up to three years’ imprisonment has made people even more cautious about exercising their right to freedom of expression.
  
As in other countries, prisoners and detainees in Uzbekistan are at heightened risk of contracting COVID-19. However, the authorities have not published any information about measures taken to protect this category of people from the virus, and reports by prisoners and their relatives indicate that the measures taken have been far from sufficient. No efforts have been made to review pre-trial detention cases to determine whether it was possible to apply non-custodial measures of restraint to all but the most serious offenders. Some measures have been taken to ensure access to justice in the exceptional circumstances of the pandemic, such as allowing submission of complaints to courts online. The right to have access to justice has nevertheless been severely affected by the restrictive measures in place.
  
Restrictions on the in areas of the country categorised as red and yellow zones have severely limited detainees’ and prisoners’ access to lawyers. In many cases lawyers were not able to see their clients in detention, even when the latter alleged having been subjected to torture or ill-treatment.
     
Several local civil society groups report an increase in domestic violence in Uzbekistan during the COVID-19 pandemic and the state-imposed lockdown. The five shelters which remained open during the initial lockdown had to turn away victims for lack of capacity.
      
Compared to other groups of Uzbekistani society, LGBTQI+ individuals – already vulnerable due to the criminalization of consensual same-sex relations between men and widespread homophobia – have faced an increased risk of homelessness and poverty during the pandemic, and of being subjected to extortion and blackmail.
     


13.12.20

Uzbekistan ordered to “beat off attacks by international human rights organizations...


On 10 December 2020, Abu-Ali Niyazmatov, the administrator of Uyat.uz, a social group on Facebook, posted about custom-made laudatory publications in the European media. I would like to comment on this practice.


The image of the government of Shavkat Mirziyoyev began to concern his team as soon as he came to power. This is due to his desire to divert attention from the fact that he became president in violation of the current Constitution of Uzbekistan, hence the urgent need to create an information legend about the reformer, Shavkat Mirziyoyev. And when he got a press secretary who began to be active on social networks on every occasion, it became clear that the Uzbek authorities decided to launch a global campaign of political lobbying, using modern information technologies, the Internet and the practice of leading PR companies.

The rest proceeded along the lines of the classics of this genre: Shavkat Mirziyoyev created an online reception, which received millions of appeals from naive citizens, new local media outlets were opened, new journalists and bloggers loyal to the authorities emerged - they began to write often about the humanitarian aid of the oligarchs, the charitable works of the first lady and the eldest daughter of the president, creating for them the images of good "Santa Claus" and "Snow Maidens". Against the backdrop of such informational hurray campaign, thousands of dramas began to flare up due to the demolition of houses and bankruptcy of entrepreneurs, but at first the authorities generally preferred to keep silent about these.

The statements of the press service of the Prosecutor's Office and the Ministry of Internal Affairs helping to evade responsibility of those involved in torture and extrajudicial executions against prisoners and other victims of human rights violations are particularly cynical.

Meanwhile, the reality is that there are still no conditions in Uzbekistan for transparency in fulfilling obligations within the framework of protection against torture and corruption; the process of legalising the human rights activities of independent human rights defenders, those who cannot be bought off with an apartment or a position in power, has not yet begun. And at the time when there are no conditions for independent monitoring of human rights observance during the period of isolation associated with COVD-19, Uzbekistan is suddenly taken out of the bottom rungs of international ratings - allegedly for improving the human rights regime, which raises questions.

Is this accidental? Most likely no. Our organisation is in possession of documents that directly show the payment for the services of lobbyists, whose tasks include attracting famous US congressmen, experts, journalists, and creating new websites. This PR campaign is being carried out by a government-controlled team of a new structure, whose official status is an NGO, but it performs pro-state tasks. Not long-ago Lola Karimova used to work using the same scheme, and Gulnara Karimova used it even earlier. And we plan to write about this in more detail very soon.

Nadejda Atayeva




10.12.20

Uzbekistan: stop punishing homosexuality and respect the human rights of all


The NGOs jointly issuing this statement urge the Uzbekistani authorities to live up to their international human rights obligations by decriminalizing homosexuality. Article 120 of the current Criminal Code punishes consensual sexual relations between adult men by up to three years’ imprisonment. Uzbekistan is currently drafting a new Criminal Code and should take this opportunity to improve its human rights record and remove legislation that punishes individuals for the peaceful exercise of their fundamental human rights.       

“When I remember the things that happened to me my heart stops beating.” — A former prisoner recalls his time in detention.
       
We call on the Uzbekistani government to repeal legislation that punishes consensual sexual relations between adult men and that is used to repress individuals‘ freedom, personal security and privacy and persecute them for peaceful exercise of human rights including the right to life. The authorities should also combat existing stigma and discrimination of LGBTI persons by actively increasing public awareness about human rights.
  
As a party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights Uzbekistan has committed itself to ensure that everybody can exercise their rights without distinction of any kind, “such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status.“ In their concluding observations issued in January and May 2020, both the United Nations (UN) Committee against Torture and the UN Human Rights Committee called on Uzbekistan to repeal Article 120.
  
“When I found out that my son is gay, I was thrown into a blind panic. I dragged him to imams, and to psychologists to try to “heal“ him. But all I did was hurt him and spoil his life. Now I understand that homosexuality is not an illness. He is still the same handsome, clever and peaceful person. He simply happens to love people of his own sex, that’s all! But because of this, many want to kill him, burn him, stone him. As long as Article 120 exists my son and other LGBT people will not be able to live quietly and be happy. I believe that revoking Article 120 will only lead to good – for everyone.”
   
— Mother of a young gay man calling on her fellow citizens not to be afraid of people with same-sex relations.
   
A young man who in recent years was imprisoned under Article 120 and has since been released, reports that he does not know how to live with the trauma of having been beaten and treated with hatred and contempt each day. In pre-trial detention he was regularly subjected to violence by other detainees while the guards looked the other way. He recalled that the days spent in pre-trial detention “were the most awful and disgusting in my life” and that officers beat and attempted to rape him with a truncheon when he first arrived at the prison colony.
  
Article 120 poses a constant threat to gay and bisexual men in their daily lives and makes it impossible for them to lodge complaints with the authorities about violence and discrimination to which they are subjected, for fear of revealing their sexual orientation. Groups defending the human rights of LGBTI persons are unable to operate safely in Uzbekistan and the authorities suppress all attempts to draw attention to human rights violations affecting LGBTI persons.
    
A gay man from Uzbekistan said on condition of anonymity: “Article 120 gives people the right to abuse and discriminate with impunity against persons with a non-traditional sexual orientation or gender identity. It also provides the ideal breeding ground for corruption. As long as this article exists, we will have to live in fear and homophobes will have power over us.”
    
Police do not press charges against all the gay and bisexual men whom they track down, but often threaten to imprison them or disclose their sexual orientation to their families for blackmail and financial extortion purposes. Police also coerce LGBTI people to collaborate with them to identify wealthier   gay and bisexual men. In this way many LGBTI persons in Uzbekistan feel they have no option but to lead double lives – they stand to pay a steep price if their wives, husbands, parents, other relatives or neighbours learn about their sexual orientation or gender identity.
    
Homophobic mobs frequently target LGBTI individuals and those perceived to be gay, subjecting them to physical abuse and extortion. On internet-based messaging services homophobic activists disseminate the names and contact details of gay and bisexual men and those perceived to be gay and call for them to be “punished” and killed. Videos of such beatings have been disseminated and there are credible reports that several gay men have been murdered or severely injured by homophobic mobs in recent years.
  
Police are also known to exploit the fear of being labelled as “gay” (an accusation perceived as extremely shameful in Uzbekistani society) by extending the threat of imprisonment under Article 120 beyond gay and bisexual, to heterosexual and pious Muslim men. The NGOs jointly issuing this statement are aware of several cases in recent years when police forced individuals to hand over large sums of money or property or to “confess” to serious crimes including “terrorism” or “attempting to overthrow the constitutional order”, to avoid being charged with Article 120.
    
Human rights violations including sexual violence against gay and bisexual men and those perceived to be gay, are particularly egregious in penitentiary institutions. These men are frequently victims of torture and other forms of ill-treatment inflicted by police officers, National Security Service officers, prison guards and fellow inmates. Torture methods include rape with bottles and truncheons, attaching heavy water bottles to the detainee’s genitals, wrapping newspaper around the genitals and setting the paper on fire. Gay and bisexual prisoners and those suspected or accused of same-sex relations have the lowest status in the informal but strictly imposed prisoner hierarchy. They are regularly used as “slaves” by guards and other inmates and, for example, are forced to clean dirty toilets with their bare hands.
    
The Uzbekistani authorities have on several occasions stated that homosexuality is contrary to Islam and the country’s traditional values and cultural norms, and that the public is not ready to repeal Article 120. However, governments cannot use religion, tradition and culture as an excuse to circumvent their human rights obligations. Muslim majority countries that have legalized homosexuality include Uzbekistan’s neighbours Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, as well as Azerbaijan and
    
For further information about the human rights situation of LGBTI persons in Uzbekistan, refer to:
 
Download the statement in EnglishRussian and Uzbek languages.
 



17.11.20

Corruption and COVID-19 in Uzbekistan

Speech by Nadejda Atayeva - the President of the Association for Human Rights in Central Asia, at the conference of the Heavenly Culture, World Peace, Restoration of Light (HWPL) organization, held on November 17, 2020.


The coronavirus has not bypassed Uzbekistan. According to official data alone, 78801 people were infected, of which 621 people died. These statistics cannot be considered comprehensive and reliable si nce there are strong indications that the real number of deaths is much higher, according to social networks of telegram "Fidorkorlar" there have been reports of at least 539 medical workers who allegedly died from COVID-19 in the country; we know the names of 83 of them. A survey of residents of a residential area in the capital city Tashkent, carried out by human rights activists, showed that 28 funerals were held for people who died from COVID-19 on a recent Saturday. The official statistics do not included cases of people who suffered from pneumonia but were never tested for COVID-19 as well as those who were treated at home. It is not known how many died from COVID-19 at home.

It is dangerous to question the official statistics on COVID-19 in Uzbekistan. On 23 March 2020, the Law "On Amendments and Additions to the Criminal, Criminal Procedure Codes of the Republic of Uzbekistan and the Code of Administrative Responsibility of the Republic of Uzbekistan” was adopted. According to the new Article 244-5 of the Criminal Code  punishes, "dissemination of false information about infections that are subject to quarantine or are otherwise dangerous to humans" is punishable by imprisonment of up to 10 years. 

Media outlets in Uzbekistan solely rely on official statistics and government information about COVID-19, describe individual cases and practically avoid the use of any independent information.

COVID-19 has affected not only the health of the people of Uzbekistan, it has also led to restrictions of human rights and not only those related to freedom of movement, freedom of speech and freedom of assembly. The social and economic crisis is felt as never before. Its origin is not only a deficit in the national budget, but also corruption at all levels of government.

And the level of corruption will only grow until the authorities change their attitude towards criticism and civil society. Without the participation of civil society activists, it is impossible to ensure transparency and the rule of law. As a result, Uzbekistan has an extremely weak educational system and the teaching profession in public educational facilities has become extremely unpopular. Pensioners in this country are barely surviving.

Public criticism in Uzbekistan should be a crucial resource for the government. Instead, Shavkat Mirziyoyev relies on PR-services to keep his government in power. Tens of millions of US dollars are paid by the authorities of Shavkat Mirziyoyev for publications praising his government and for removing criticism on the Internet directed against him and his family members. Considering this growing process, in which even individual members of the US Congress, former activists of Uzbekistani human rights organizations, trolls and many other players are participating, there is less and less desire to trust the official government information. All the more so when the houses and cars of high-ranking officials of Uzbekistan were clearly not purchased with their salaries. So far none of them transparently declares their incomes, and the same is true for their close relatives.

After the death of dictator Islam Karimov the political regime has changed very little. Independent human rights defenders and journalists practically risk their freedom when they question official information. Many human rights defenders have not been able to register their organizations for more than 30 years. We call them “independent human rights defenders”. Human rights activist Agzam Turgunov spent 15 years in prison, and since February 2018, he has made eight attempts to register a human rights organization and is preparing to apply for registration for the seventh time now.

An official from the Ministry of Justice of Uzbekistan cynically admitted to him that no matter how many attempts he makes, his organization would not be registered and this indicates that he is on the government’s list of "unreliable" people. Turgunov, like many other former political prisoners, has been denied rehabilitation. They are subjected to widespread discrimination. Turgunov continues to be at risk of arrest despite the fact that he is over 70 years old. And such a fate of Agzam Turgunov is not the only case. The only exceptions are former political prisoners who do not criticize the new government in any way.

According to our Association for Human Rights in Central Asia, more than 600 civil society activists have been repressed since 2005. Almost 90 of them were sentenced to imprisonment. The rest emigrated or were forced to become passive observers because they were subjected to threats of torture and arrest or because of their poor health. Only 11 activists from this list are still active in the field of human rights protection. Many of those who were forced to leave Uzbekistan and obtain refugee status abroad, were subsequently deprived of their citizenship under the Shavkat Mirziyoyev government; their property was confiscated on the basis of court decisions handed down in absentia.

The level of corruption in Uzbekistan deserves a lot of attention, and in the context of COVID-19, it is especially clearly seen how the government divides society into friends and foes. This violates the fundamental principle that everyone is equal before the law. This became possible only because many laws were adopted that contradict the country’s Constitution. The failure to legalize independent civil society activities only leads to abuse of office. 

How can you trust such a government?

 

16.11.20

Central Asia: Tightening the screws on government critics during the Covid-19 pandemic

The Central Asian authorities have used the Covid-19 pandemic as a pretext to suppress criticism of
government policies and tighten the screws on independent media, civil society and social media users. A new briefing paper published by International Partnership for Human Rights, Kazakhstan International Bureau for Human Rights and Rule of Law, the Legal Prosperity Foundation, Turkmen Initiative for Human Rights and the Association for Human Rights in Central Asia highlights the increasing restrictions on the freedoms of expression, association and assembly seen across the region during this time of crisis.

The briefing paper, entitled Central Asia: Tightening the screws on government critics during the Covid-19 pandemic, summarises cross-regional trends of serious concern and details country developments. IPHR and its partners have submitted the briefing paper as input for the upcoming EU-Central Asia Ministerial Meeting, asking the EU to raise the disturbing trends documented in the paper with the Central Asian governments. The Ministerial Meeting, an annual event where high-ranking EU officials and Central Asian foreign ministers discuss different areas of cooperation, is scheduled to take place online on 17 November 2020.

Key trends covered in the briefing paper include:

Failure to ensure access to information and misguided efforts to combat misinformation: The government of Tajikistan initially denied that the global Covid-19 pandemic had reached the country, despite independent reports to the contrary, while the government of Turkmenistan has continued to cover up the evident national outbreak of Covid-19. Also in the other Central Asian countries, independent media and civil society have faced obstacles in accessing information related to the pandemic and across the region, the authorities have engaged in misguided efforts to prevent misinformation about the pandemic. Thus, in the name of combating “false” information, they have adopted and implemented vaguely worded legislation that can be used to stifle legitimate free speech, and obstructed discussion on social media platforms.

Persecution of government critics across the region: In the context of the Covid-19 pandemic, the Central Asian governments have stepped up pressure on journalists, bloggers, civil society activists, human rights defenders, protest participants, opposition supporters and others critical of the authorities and their Covid-19 response. Across the region, government critics have been threatened, questioned, detained, prosecuted and convicted on charges initiated in retaliation for their peaceful exercise of the freedoms of expression, association and assembly, including charges of overly broad criminal offenses such as “spreading false information”, “inciting hostility” and “extremism”. At the same time, the situation of those imprisoned on politically motivated charges is currently of particular concern given the increased risk of contracting Covid-19 that they face and their frequent lack of access to adequate medical diagnosis and treatment.

Restrictive operating environment for civil society and problematic legislative initiatives: Across Central Asia, civic space is seriously limited. During the Covid-19 pandemic, the authorities have pushed ahead with new, problematic legal initiatives without ensuring adequate opportunities for public discussion and meaningful consultation with experts and civil society. In Kazakhstan, the authorities rushed through a new restrictive law on assemblies and have used this law to continue to detain and penalise participants in peaceful anti-government protests held without pre-approval. The most recent version of the draft law on assemblies in Uzbekistan also requires pre-approval of protests, in violation of international standards. A draft law on NGO reporting passed the second reading in parliament in Kyrgyzstan despite widespread criticism and fears that it will be used as a tool of intimidation. The lack of transparency of the processes of drafting new laws on non-commercial organisations in Tajikistan and Uzbekistan has reinforced concerns that these laws will provide for new mechanisms of excessive state control of NGOs. The authorities of Uzbekistan have continued to deny compulsory state registration to independent human rights groups on arbitrary grounds, while no such groups can still operate in Turkmenistan. In recent months, exiled groups have been subjected to renewed cyberattacks, and online smear campaigns have targeted the leaders of NGOs based both in- and outside the region.

The joint briefing paper is available here.


19.10.20

Saodat Abduzakirova: "Here's another truth for you!" #COVID-19


On the Facebook page of Saodat Abduzakirova, the leader of the Public Association for Social Mutual
Support and Human Welfare “Yangi Hayot” published on October 19, 2020, an outcry appeal whose name is not disclosed for security reasons.

Saodat Abduzakirovania wrote: This was sent to me as personal message! Here's another truth for you!

Gentlemen from the Ministry of Health, how do you like it? The clinic Zangiota has been working for half a year, it has been mess and still is! This was personally messaged to me! Here is one more truth! 


Hello Dear Saodat! 

I apologize for contacting you. But I don't know where to write anymore. I wrote to the presidential portal, but no answer. And I beg you to read it! Cry from the heart! Can't be silent! Start from beginning! My mother-in-law felt unwell and had slight increase in temperature on 09/28/2020, called to request a doctor come visit for check up, the Multidisciplinary District Polyclinic at the Republican Society of Sergeli District Branch , located at the address: Tashkent, Sergeli District, Sergeli-2 31A block. But she was told: "Come yourself." My mother-in-law, an elderly person, obediently came to the clinic herself, where, after examining her, she was sent to do an x-ray of her lungs, to another clinic, the


Central Polyclinic No. 37 of the Sergeli District. The next day, 09/29/2020, having come for an x-ray, she stood in line for 3 hours! She was x-rayed and told that it would be ready in 5 days!  The next day 09/30/2020 her condition got worse, a cough appeared and her blood pressure dropped. On the same day, my father-in-law also had a fever, and she called the polyclinic again, where they prescribed Ciprofloxacin and Acyclovir by phone, and they simply said, "Take pills". No dosage, no prescribed prescription form! The worst thing is that she began to take them and next day, 02.10.20e0 closer to noon, she got more ill, the cough intensified and the pressure rose. The father-in-law just had a fever, no coughing.

I called the clinic myself and began to simply beg for help and call a doctor. They told me: "Wait, the doctor will be there." We waited for a few more hours, towards evening I called again, they said: "That's it, the doctor is coming to you." But the doctor never came! And she didn't even call! Although we left all the phone numbers. Why they would promise and give empty hopes? After all, my in-laws are elderly people, they were waiting until late the promised doctor! Of course, I called an ambulance myself. The first ambulance arrived, the doctor, having examined her and father-in-law, said that it was not critical, gave an injection of a lytic mixture from the temperature, and advised to do multispiral computed tomography of the lungs and call a local doctor, and left. 

But my mother-in-law immediately gets worse, and with huge rage I call the ambulance again and call again another brigade. Another ambulance arrived, after examining my in-laws, they urgently hospitalized my in-laws in Zangiota hospital number 1, assuring that they treat very well there, this is a specialized hospital. Having done MSCT there, they revealed more than 25% of lung lesions with a saturation of 94 in both. They put in-laws in different units. And here the HELL began! It is impossible to reach neither the unit or the doctor by phone! We communicated with the mother-in-law through her phone. There was no connection with the father-in-law. Not a single phone in their call center answers! The next day, with great shortness of breath, my mother-in-law got hold of  the phone of her doctor. I phoned him, and he immediately told me to bring the medicine. I found them (for a total cost of about 2 million soums), but that's not the point. I brought the medicine. Along the way, I was looking for my father-in-law. Through the gate, through some window near this damned hospital, I finally found the cell where my father-in-law was. After struggles, on the 3rd day in the same window, I begged for the phone number of his doctor.

I phoned, the doctor said that he was doing well, we would watch him and release him. On the same day, my mother-in-law is transferred to the intensive care unit on a ventilator. She could no longer breathe on her own, and her saturation dropped to 84. This was on the third day in the hospital! No one picks up the phone in intensive care! Somehow, I got through to my mother-in-law. She could hardly breathe, said that the medications that were prescribed to her caused an allergic reaction (my mother-in-law tells me this! Not the doctor!) I asked her to ask the doctor's number, but no one gave her the number. I asked if she was injected with drugs, she said, yes, stabbed with injections me all over, not knowing what exactly being injected. This lasted again 3 days. During these three days, my father-in-law's attending physician himself calls me and says that his sugar level has increased to 25, he fell into a coma, and we are transferring your father to intensive care. How? This man has never had a high sugar level. 

The next two days on weekend, I endlessly called the intensive care unit, but NO ONE picked up the phone. I went there myself, but even in the window they could not find out any news to me. Finally, on Monday, I could reach through, and the doctor said that my father-in-law was in critical condition, that I needed to bring medication and a glucometer to measure blood sugar. I found these medicines and a glucometer in Kibray and handed them over to the transfer point of this hospital. After that, for the rest of the day I called to find out how my father-in-law's condition was, and whether these medications reached. But again, NOBODY! Nobody picked up the phone. The next morning, I started calling all the phones again, and when I finally got through, I found out that my father-in-law had passed away the day before. He came on his feet! No high blood sugar! No shortness of breath! Only fever! How was he killed? On the same day, my mother-in-law felt better, and she called me and asked me to bring something dairy and $50. What for? What kind of non-human asked old woman on a ventilator to bring $ 50? I asked her to find out the doctor's number. I brought and handed over food to her, waiting for the doctor's number to talk about money. In the same place, I went to the morgue for a certificate of the death offather-in-law. But even more NON-HUMANS work there! People are standing under the high gates. Many people. For several hours, or even days. It turns out that you can get a certificate and the body released in 3 hours for $ 500! This is incomprehensible! If not, then wait for more. With a scandal I received this certificate in the evening after closing hours, I said that I would not go anywhere without a certificate, having stood there since noon, intimidated them by the prosecutor's office in order to make a death certificate the next morning and arrange the burial. The next day, running from the registry office to the cemetery, I called both the intensive care unit and the mother-in-law herself about her health, she picked up her phone and said that she felt worse. I started calling the emergency phone, but NOBODY picks up the phone again! The next day, from early in the morning, I again call both my mother-in-law and the intensive care unit. After noon, finally picking up the phone, they told me that my mother-in-law was in critical condition, her oxygen saturation dropped to 50. And half an hour later they called back and said that she had died. WHY? She, too, came on her feet, short of breath. Saturation 94! I am in  tears, tearing apart from pain and powerlessness! And only one question WHY? And again, with a scandal, I obtained a certificate for her. The morgue is a separate topic! At one gate, under which the relatives of the deceased are standing, they release corpses and garbage from the units, from here they issue certificates, and from here the relatives take the bodies, standing in full ANTI-SANITARY conditions for several hours, or even the whole day.

We were invited into the courtyard of the morgue to take bodies, where some corpses are taken out for identification, goodbye and release, and other corpses are immediately brought from the units of this damned hospital. While we were identifying and saying goodbye, they brought in 3 new corpses! New carts with corpses. In 15 minutes! Corpses with notes of name and surname lie on the floor, people step over them and look for their deceased ones. THIS IS NON-HUMAN! THEY ARE NON-DOCTORS! They all, starting with the district clinic, killed, KILLED our parents. What's injected there?  Why do people DIE? Since the opening of the hospital, there are more than a thousand death certificates, we have certificates 905 and 950 with a difference of 1.5 days! Now the number has exceeded 1000. We had a very friendly family. I lived with them for 23 years, and these people became so dear to me! They loved us and our children! Their son, my husband, was away, he is a freight carrier, came to the funeral of his parents. It's scary to look at him! We were all orphaned overnight! In 10 days! In the hospital? Where people should be saved! Why? Advise me. Help! I understand that you can't bring your parents back. But this negligence and inhumanity must be stopped! Where to write ABOUT THIS MESS? Which door to knock on? SCREAM OF PAIN! I’m TORN INSIDE FROM PAIN AND POWERLESSNESS!


(Before reposting, the punctuation and spelling mistakes of the text were corrected)