2.12.08

Uzbekistan: A campaign for the release of writer Mamadali Makhmudov

The Eternal Mountains

A novel by Uzbek writer Mamadali Makhmudov, who has been convicted by the Karimov regime and has been sentenced to 14 years of imprisonment, is now available in bookstores throughout France.

Writer Mamadali MAKHMUDOV, a citizen of Uzbekistan using the pseudonym Evril Turon, was born in 1940. He headed the Foundation for Culture of Uzbekistan and then led the Turkistan movement, which was established by a group of Uzbek intelligentsia and existed between 1989 and 1993. Mr Makhmudov is a laureate of the Hellman-Hammet prize awarded to victimized writers persecuted for their political views. He was also awarded the Cholpan prize which was introduced to honor the memory of victims of Joseph Stalin’s “purges” with which he was awarded for his novel The Eternal Mountains.
The L’AUBE, a French publishing house, has released a historical novel by Mamadali Makhmudov, an Uzbek writer, entitled The Eternal Mountains and translated by Philippe Frison. The writing describes events that occurred during the  late 19th  century when  Tsarist Russia occupied Central Asia.The novel is available in bookstores throughout most Francophone countries in the French language. This is the first time that such a wide range of readers have been able to familiarize themselves with Mamadali Makhmudov’s work and the Uzbek traditions that he  describes with great mastery in the novel, as well as the Uzbek societal problems that it faced during the described period in history.

At the moment, 67-year-old Mamadali Makhmudov is confined in an Uzbek prison. The writer was arrested on the 26th  of February of 1999 on charges of Article 25-159 Part 4 (infringement of the constitutional order), Article 216 (establishing prohibited public associations and religious organizations), and Article 242 Part 1 (establishing a criminal group). On the 18th of August of 1999, the Tashkent Region Court sentenced the writer to 14 years of imprisonment. He is now serving his term in the UYA 64/6 maximum security prison in the town of Chirchik of Tashkent Region, Uzbekistan.
 
Mamadali Makhmudov was brought to account for the first time in 1994. Uzbek law enforcement bodies planted a weapon that did not belong to him in order to prove his involvement with a terrorist organization. The public was not convinced the charge was genuine so he was released. Later Mamadali Makhmudov was charged with embezzlement and convicted and sentenced to four years of imprisonment. Thanks to an active international campaign for his release and due to lack of Corpus Delicti, he was later amnestied.
 
While still imprisoned in 2003, Mr Makhmudov wrote an open letter to President Islam Karimov. Here is an extract from the letter: “… Why was I not imprisoned during the USSR but after we achieved Independence? Have I not dreamt of Independence, fought for it, wrote about it and chose it as the main goal of my life?! I have written all of my books for the sake of our nation’s freedom and sovereignty. Even the Soviets never reprimanded or imprisoned me  for my work.

Is imprisoning a national hero not an insult to the nation?!… When in our history have our prisons been filled to this extent?! Is there a single person in the country who has not been imprisoned, nor been insulted?! Has our history ever witnessed thousands of people self-immolating, hanging and poisoning themselves?!…

“I was subjected to horrible and unheard-of tortures. [Wardens] drove needles under my fingernails and pulled them out with pliers, drove a gun into my mouth and knocked out my teeth. They beat me up with fists and batons, kicked me, covered my body with bruises and scabs, they injected unknown chemicals into my body and forced me to drink unknown fluids…

“Falsification of testimonies is practiced throughout the country. Countless people imprisoned for many  years suffer from this. Even the capital punishment is issued based on falsified  testimonies…”
 
At the moment, writer Mamadali Makhmudov is in dire need of medical attention as he is suffering from tuberculosis.

The L’AUBE publishing house and Philippe Frison, the translator of the novel, have launched a campaign in support of Mamadali Makhmudov and urging for his release.
 
The writer has left three children and seven grandchildren behind. Law-enforcement agencies in Uzbekistan maintain constant surveillance of his family. His son, Bobur, was arrested in Tashkent following the Andijan events in May 2005 but he was released due to lack of evidence of his involvement in the events. The imprisoned writer’s sons have been unable to secure employment due to their family relationship with him for the last five years.

We are ardently asking you to support the campaign and send your messages to Philippe Frison at:
asiecentrale@neuf.fr

* * *
A sample letter for the release of writer Mamadali Makhmudov
 
Subject: An appeal for the amnestying of Mamadali Makhmudov
 
Mister President,
 
I have read the French translation of The Eternal Mountains by Mamadali Makhmudov with great interest. In the book, the author advocates his country, its language and its millennial culture. This text is a genuine speech for the defense of peace and tolerance.
 
It is a paradox, to say the least, that a 67-year-old writer, who was awarded the Cholpan prize in 1992 for this novel, is now serving a 14-year prison sentence  based on a verdict adopted by a trial which violated all international norms of justice in 1999.
 
I would be very grateful to you if you bestow humaneness on Mamadali Makhmudov and sign his amnesty.
 
Full name, signature
 
Do not forget to sign the letter, write your address, put the date and send it to:
 
President Islam A Karimov
The presidential residence
700163 Uzbekistan
Tashkent, Uzbekistanskaya Street 43
Fax: +998 71 289 00 46
presidents_office@presse-service.uz
 
                   Copy:
The embassy of Uzbekistan in Paris
22, rue d'Aguesseau
F-75008 Paris
Fax: +33 (0)1 53 30 03 54
contact@ouzbekistan.fr


 

29.7.08

Arrested human rights activist Agzam Turgunov is tortured with hot water

an absurdly framed criminal case against a human rights activist

Agzam TURGUNOV
2006
An interrogator poured hot water onto arrested human rights activist Agzam Turgunov during an interrogation, thus forcing the activist to confess in crimes he is charged with. Mr Turgunov fell unconscious and only thanks to paramedics help he was brought back to his senses. The human rights activist’s case requires an immediate involvement of the international community. 

Mr Agzam TURGUNOV was born in 1952. He is the executive director and founder of the Mazlum human rights center based in Tashkent. Mr Turgunov is involved in public service since 1994. He monitors the cases of many political prisoners including Mr Murod Jurayev, Mr Mamadali Makhmudov, Rashid and Muhammad Bekjanovs. He has also participated in defending the head of the Karakalpak branch of the Human Rights Society of Uzbekistan, Mr Tursunbay Utamuradov, who was forced to leave the country. 

Agzam TURGUNOV’S case: Agzam Turgunov was arrested in Nukus, the Karakalpakistan Autonomous Republic’s capital in north-western Uzbekistan on 11 July 2008. He has travelled there to meet a defendant in a divorce case. In this case, he was acting as a public legal-representative for the claiment. The defendant has attempted to resolve the case against the court verdict to share the marital property, and proposed 450 US dollars as compensation. The parties did not come to an agreement. The defendant accused Agzam Turgunov of breaking down the negotiations and filed a complaint with the police against Agzam Turgunov’s allegedly illegal actions.

A criminal case was initiated against him based on Article 165 (extortion). The absurdity of the charge rests on the fact that Turgunov, based on the claiment’s request, was participating in the negotiations on compensating the amount based on the already adopted court verdict.

On 21 July 2008, the public legal-representative for Azgam Turgunov, Ms Robiya Utamurodova, was able to meet with the arrested activist in the pre-trial detention facility. According to her words, the human rights activist was suffering from blisters on his spine, which are described as the third level skin burns. As it became clear later on, the interrogator has poured hot water onto Turgunov. The human rights activist fell unconscious and only ambulance doctors were able to bring him back to his senses. There is no information on Mr Turgunov’s health condition at the moment. A reliable source informs that this interrogator has had a negative attitude towards Turgunov for a long time, because the latter’s human rights activities resulted in closure of several criminal cases under the former’s supervision. 

It is necessary to immediately provide:
   — a humane treatment of Agzam Turgunov, stopping the physical and psychological pressure; 
   — allow the representatives of the International Red Cross to visit him; 
   — carrying out a forensic expertise into the gravity level of physical injuries on his body; 
    full access for Turgunov’s advocate, Mr Rustam Karabayev.

The Association for Human Righs in Central Asia is urges all interested parties, organizations and mass media to get involved in Mr Agzam Turgunov’s fate and make appeals to the leadership of the Republic of Uzbekistan at the addresses below
  • The system
The Uzbek government has adopted a national programme on uprooting torture; however, the practice of violent treatment remains acute in temporary detention facilities, investigation cells, and penitentiary camps. Numerous facts of violence against civilians served as grounds for working out recommendations for UN Committee Against Torture in November 2007. 

The Association for Human Righs in Central Asia draws attention to the fact that a state official has used force and harmed the health of suspect Agzam Turgunov during investigation procedures. There are several indications in the interrogator’s actions stipulated in the Uzbek Criminal Code as an intended commitment of grave crimes in Article 206 – abusing power, and Article 235 – applying torture and other humiliating kinds of treatment and/or punishment. These articles stipulate a punishment of long-term imprisonment for those who breach them. Up to date, the prosecutor’s office has not issued any statements regarding the interrogator’s criminal actions.

The government of Uzbekistan should respect obligations stipuluated in UN International Pact on Civic and Political Rights, the Convention against torture and other forms of inhumane treatment or punishment, the UN declaration on rights and duties of separate persons, groups and communities, the set of principles of protecting all those subjected to detention or arrest in any forms; and encourage and protect human rights and liberties.
  • Addresses:
  • President of Uzbekistan, Islam Abduganiyevich Karimov ul. Uzbekistanskaya 43, Rezidentsia prezidenta, 700163 Tashkent, Republic of Uzbekistan Fax: +998 71 133 1395325, e-mail: presidents_office@press-service.uz 
  • Minister of Foreign Affairs, Vladimir Norov Ministerstvo inostrannykh del RU, pl. Mustakillik 5; 700029 Tashkent, Republic of Uzbekistan Fax: + 998 71 139 15 17, E-mail: rnews@mfa.uz
  • Parliamentary Commissioner for Human Rights, Sayora Rashidova ul. Xalqlar Dostligi 1, 700035 Tashkent, Republic of Uzbekistan Fax: +998 71 139 85 55, E-mail: office@ombudsman.gov.uz
  • General Prosecutor of the Republic of Uzbekistan, Rashidjon Hamidovich Kodirov ul. Gulamova 66, 700047 Tashkent, Republic of Uzbekistan Fax: +998 71 133 39 17, E-mail: prokuratura@lawyer.com
  • National Centre for Human Rights, Senator Akmal Saidov Natsionalny Tsentr po pravam cheloveka, Mustakillik Maidoni 5/3, 700029 Tashkent, Republic of Uzbekistan Fax: + 998 71 139 13 56 / 45 16, E-mail: office@nchr.uz
  • Ambassador of the Republic of Uzbekistan, Permanent Mission of the Republic of Uzbekistan to the United Nations in Geneva PO Box 1853, 1215 Geneva 15, Switzerland Fax: +4122 799 43 02, E-mail: uzbekistan@bluewin.ch


9.7.08

An alternative observational report on the situation in Uzbekistan presented to the 3rd session of the UN Council for human rights under the UPR procedure (December 2008)

Concerning: The right to a free and fair election. The right to freedom of movement. Child labour in cotton growing. The freedom of association. Human rights activists’ current situation.

BACKGROUND. A regime relying on repressive measures continues reigning in Uzbekistan. In spite of the fact that the government has undertaken actions aimed at improving the human rights situation (a law abolishing of capital punishment came into effect in 2008, the habeas corpus act was adopted, the International Labour Convention No. 138 concerning the minimum age and Convention No. 182 on the prohibition of the worst forms of child labour were signed; a mission of the International Red Cross was granted permission to visit penitentiary centers; several civil activists have been released from detention) the overall situation has barely changed. Moreover, a wide-scale systematic oppression is growing aimed at any forms of criticism or peaceful opposition to the violation of civil, political, economic and cultural rights and liberties. It has become life- and health-threatening to disseminate information aimed at protecting political activists, independent press and journalists. The civil society is denied basic rights and liberties; passive acceptance of injustice is becoming the only way of survival. Authorities are particularly aggressive towards open statements that human rights activists make regarding forced child labour. Current manifestations of lawlessness and injustice show that UN Committees’ recommendations on regular reporting and considerations on individual appeals in line with the International Pact on Civil and Political Rights (IPCPR) are not being implemented.

Key words: the right to a free and fair election; freedom of assembly and peaceful rallies; freedom of movement; forced child labour, the right to access education; the right to protect children from a harmful working conditions.

1. The right to participate in state governance: free and fair elections

The lack of compliance of the national legislation on elections with international norms has resulted in violation of the right to a free and fair election during the parliamentary and presidential elections in 2004 and 2007 respectively.

The parliamentary elections took place on 26 December 2004 under the total control and coordination by the presidential administration. The president appointed the chairman and members of the Central Electoral Committee (CEC) who were later approved by the parliament*. The current bi-chamber parliament allows the president to control the legislative power.
Uzbekistan introduced a bicameral parliament in 2005. The upper house has 100 senators and the lower house – 120 deputies. 16 senators are appointed by a presidential decree, the rest are elected from oblast, rayon and town councils. The legislation provides for the president-appointed heads of local state administrations on the oblast-, rayon- and town-level to be speakers of their respective oblast, rayon and town councils.
There are three opposition parties in Uzbekistan: Birlik, Ozod Dehqonlar and Erk. None of these parties is officially registered because authorities perceive any sort of criticism as a threat to the current state administration system. These opposition parties were unable to nominate their candidates for the past elections because their applications to get registered have all been declined.

The law on political parties of the Republic of Uzbekistan stipulates that parties may be abolished following their founders’ decision or a court verdict. The Erk party was registered on 3 September 1991 and the Birlik movement** was registered on 11 November 1991. However, the ministry of justice adopted a decision revoking their official statutes in October 1993 notwithstanding the fact that the ministerial competence is confined to registering legal entities.
** The Birlik party was reformed into the Popular Movement of Uzbekistan 
The Birlik party made two attempts to register in view to participating in the 2004 parliamentary elections. On 24 December 2004, that is two days ahead of the elections, the ministry of justice notified of its decision to decline registration based on petty formalities. While the party has then decided to nominate its candidates as independent ones; the CEC still has not registered them using various excuses. The Ozod Dehqonlar party faced a similar treatment.

The presidential elections on 23 December 2007 allowed Islam Karimov to have stayed in power ever since 1989 and to be elected for the third consecutive term in the office thus violating Article 90 of the Constitution which sets out that “no single person shall be entitled to be elected as the president of the Republic of Uzbekistan more than two consecutive terms”.

Political opponents and all those who protested against Islam Karimov’s nomination were subjected to administrative and criminal persecution (for more information please see attachment 1).

2. The right to freedom of movement

The current legislation of Uzbekistan does not provide a specific definition of the right to freedom of movement and the right to choose a habitat. This has resulted in arbitrary limitations of movement of Uzbek nationals and permanent residents. On 15 April 1999, amendments were introduced into the administrative code of the Republic of Uzbekistan whereby a fine equivalent to three minimal salaries is imposed in case of the violation of the passport registration norms. The currently applicable registration regime has been underpinned by provisions of Attachment No 1 to the Uzbek president’s decree on the passport system in the Republic of Uzbekistan No UP-2240 effective as of 26 February 1999. On 4 April 2004, with amendments and addenda to this decree introduced in line with Point 1 of the Uzbek president’s decree No UP-3441 (for more information see attachment 3-3.5).

Since 2004, rural residents’ economic and labour migration to urban areas has been closely watched on the grounds of controlling the inflow of Islamic fundamentalism ideas. Civil society activists, particularly convicted and imprisoned one, have also faced difficulties moving within the country after the Andijan tragedy (for more information please see attachment 4).

On 6 January 1995, the cabinet of ministers of Uzbekistan adopted a regulation which laid down the requirements for Uzbek nationals who wish to travel abroad. In line with the document, each citizen intending to leave the country needs a permission (an exit visa) from a Ministry’s of Interior office in charge of entering to and exiting from the country (OVIR) in his/her place of registration***, which allows controlling citizens travelling abroad. At the same time, Article 223 of Crime Code provides for a 10 year term in jail for leaving or entering the Republic of Uzbekistan or crossing borders in a non-compliant manner.
*** Passport registration is a state system of controlling migration. It was inherited from the ex-USSR and is currently enforced in a number of post-Soviet countries including Uzbekistan. Its principal is unconditional attachment of citizens to their permanent residence areas. 
In most cases, authorities refuse exit visas to human rights activists, representatives of political opposition and journalists. During the last two years, students and labour migrants abroad had difficulties extending the validity term of their exit visas because Uzbek embassies no longer accepted extension applications as they used to do before. Instead, embassies recommend such citizens to apply with the interior ministry’s departments in their places of registration in Uzbekistan. To our knowledge, many citizens have been interrogated by law-enforcement agencies upon their return to Uzbekistan. We also have been made aware of the cases where even those citizens who left the country with labour or student visas have been criminally persecuted on the grounds of the aforementioned Article 223.

Law-enforcement agencies and judicial bodies systematically refuse taking into account the fact that these people left the country legally and have the right to return when they think fit. The limitations enlisted above violate Article 12 of the International Pact on Civic and Political Rights.

3. Child labour in cotton growing

Uzbekistan ratified the UN Convention on child rights and the International Labour Convention concerning the minimum age and prohibiting the worst forms of child labour. The country’s constitution, the Labour Code, and the law on Ensuring Child Rights, adopted in 2007, prohibit the use of child labour for children under 15 and provide for state protection of children from all types of exploitation. However, the reality is contrary to the national regulatory framework and international obligations assumed by Uzbekistan.

Over 2 million children aged between 10 and 15 are involved in cotton picking every year. They are taken away from educational process for up to two months. Mass and forced engagement of children in cotton growing in Uzbekistan takes place in line with instructions of regional heads of administrations (hokims). School principals ensure schoolchildren’s attendance in cotton picking based on hokims’ orders (for more information please see attachment 5.1-5.2). Schoolteachers stay with schoolchildren throughout the season to watching closely that the cotton picking norms are respected. Certain information sources suggest that schoolteachers have been criminally persecuted for not taking children onto cotton fields. There are facts of expelling children from schools for refusing to pick cotton (for more information please see attachment 5.1). Farmers are, too, significantly dependent on local administrations. A number of farmers have not been allowed to rent land on the grounds of petty formalities, the true reason having been their refusal to use children in cotton-picking (for more information please see attachment 5.3).

The highest echelons of power are aware and approve of using children in cotton picking campaigns in Uzbekistan. Cotton is the country’s main export commodity. Revenues settle not only in the state treasury but also in personal wallets of those who control the cotton export. The state benefits from cheap labour and encourages the use of forced child labour. The personal career of every local governor is directly dependent on fulfilling state orders.

Children are obliged to pick the same amount of cotton as the elders: between 20 and 50 kilograms per day or more depending on the age of a child. They are paid between 0.03 and 0.05 US cents for each kilogram of cotton they have picked. Children suffer poor nutrition, lack of drinking water a,d health services during the harvesting season. Even the basic hygiene is not respected there. Children work without days-off, at least 8 hours a day, and pick up bags with 15-20 kilograms of cotton. Children work in the fields treated with pesticides, herbicides and defoliants despite the lack of evidence as to their impact on a child body. Official statistics on child diseases covering this period are not publicized. However, it is known that many children suffer from the hepatitis, anemia, feet infection and other diseases due to the lack of basic hygiene. Poor quality food is causing diseases of the gastro-intestinal tract. Girls often suffer gynecological diseases due to lack of hygiene.

As a rule, children live in premises with no cold and hot water, sewage and/or heating during the harvesting season. Harsh working conditions of the cotton fields led to several lethal cases in 2007 alone; however, such information is carefully concealed (for more information please see attachment 5.4-5.5).

4. Freedom of association

On 4 April 2005, the ministry of justice of Uzbekistan has ignored the registration application submitted by the Birlik Popular Movement of Uzbekistan party, which was the fifth attempt to register the party. Article 8 of the Uzbek law On Political Parties reads: ‘applications for registering political parties are considered within a month after the submission date. Based on findings, a decision is adopted to either register or decline the party’s registration. The decision is handed aver or sent by mail to the leading body of the political party not later than three days after its adoption’. The Birlik party’s application has not been reviewed within the statutory period, and the Ministry of justice has not notified of its decision according to legal norms. No sooner than on the 18 April 2005, following numerous demands on part of the Birlik leadership, the ministry informed the party representatives of its decision. However, the ministry has again violated the law and adopted a decision not to consider the Birlik party’s application. The ministry of justice’s decision reads that signatures and personal data of about 3,000 out of total 22,000 members are falsified. However, the ministry has declined to specify the signatures that it alleged to be false and no evidence or handwriting experts’ conclusions were provided. Appealing against the ministry’s decision proved to be impossible because judicial bodies have deemed the claim unacceptable.

The NGO ‘Mothers Against Capital Punishment and Torture’ was denied registration for the first time in 2002. The ministry of justice pretended to be unwilling to register an organization with such a name. The NGO reapplied for registration in January 2003 under the new name – ‘Mothers Against Crimes Against Persons’, but the ministry still has not taken a decision on the case.

New rules for registering non-government organizations and their reporting procedures were introduced in 2004. In line with the latter, NGOs working in Uzbekistan are obliged to coordinate all of their activities with the ministry of justice including their agendas, dates and locations of events, and they are obliged to involve a representative of the ministry in those events. Such innovations resulted in closing of the offices of the Open Society Institute, the Internews and other organizations.

The National Association of Non-governmental and Non-profit Organizations of Uzbekistan (NANNO Uz) was established in June 2005 and united 5,180 NGOs. Over 300 of these organizations were closed by juridical bodies based on the justice ministry’s appeals in 2005 to 2007. Many indications suggest this process is going to continue because authorities call this period “a reevaluation” of NGOs’ and international funds’ and representations’ activities, particularly those of human rights organizations (for more information please see attachment 6).

5. Current situation of human rights activists

The finding by our organizations suggest that over 70 active human rights advocates have been subjected to persecutions during the last three years; some were imprisoned whereas other were forced to flee the country to escape arrest. Human rights activists are held accountable for their actions due to political reasons behind although criminal cases against them are launched and investigated on the basis of such criminal charges as accountability for fraud, embezzlement of large-scale property, bribe giving and other types of crime qualified as grave or particularly grave. These articles provide for a long prison terms as a punishment. Such a method of eliminating those with active civic position allows the Uzbek government to mislead the international community and claim that there are no political prisoners and repressions against dissent in Uzbekistan. Activists continue working inside the country in high-risk environment.

6. Recommendations:

To the government of the Republic of Uzbekistan
          1. We recommend the government to respect obligations provided for in international agreements in the field of human rights abiding by the the pacta sunt servanda principle;   
          2. In order to respect the right to participate in state affairs management, the president of Uzbekistan should: no longer appoint members of the parliament and nominate Senate speaker candidates, thus letting the Senate members to cater for it independently; and introduce elections of heads of oblast-level administrations and Tashkent City mayor;
          3. They recommend the government to adopt a passport law introducing a notification procedure for registering permanent residence and stay, including for temporary residents. The practice of permitted registration in temporary residences, permanent passport registration, arrival and departure must be cancelled. To date, this practice is provided for by Attachment No 1 to the Uzbek president’s decree on the passport system in the Republic of Uzbekistan No UP-2240 effective as of 26 February 1999. On 4 April 2004, amendments and addenda were introduced into this decree in line with Point 1 of the Uzbek president’s decree No UP-3441. These bylaws are contrary to the Article 12 of the IPCPR on the right for freedom of movement;
          4. In order to secure the prohibition of forced labour, we recommend the government to abandon the practice of using forced child labour in all fields of economy, including the cotton growing sector;
        5. In order to respect the right to education, we recommend the government not to withdraw schoolchildren from the educational process by forcing them to engage in seasonal fieldwork that cause harm to health;
          6. Enforce the fundamental right to freedom of association and allow for the registration of opposition political parties and public organizations, renounce the practice of state interference into the civil society’s activities;
          7. Having assumed the obligation to ensure the freedom of speech, the freedom to search, receive and disseminate information, the government should give up the practice of persecuting the individuals who inform the public on human rights violations; 
          8. Allow the UN Special Rapporteur on protecting the rights of human rights advocates to visit Uzbekistan with a fact-finding mission.



Nadejda Atayeva, the president of the Association for Human Rights in Central Asia, prepared the report, the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH)


Attachments:

[1.] On 6 December 2007, Yusuf Juma and his two sons launched a series of protests in Karakul rayon of Bukhara oblast calling for president Islam Karimov’s resignation. Their rallies lasted for several days. On 10 December 2007, a group of Uzbek special task force soldiers stormed Yusuf Juma’s home and demolished everything. They produced no search or arrest warranties; shot at locks to break doors and crushed the poet’s property and archives. The poet family’s two dogs and other domestic animals were killed. Firearms were used against unarmed civilians but none of officials was held accountable for this. On 17 December 2007, the dissident poet Yusuf Juma was arrested and later convicted to five years of imprisonment.

[2.] The Alliance for Human Rights of Uzbekistan staged several protests in 2007 within the public program entitled « For the Right to Participate in State Governance: Free and Fair Elections”.  On 18 October 2007, Abdillo Tajiboy ugli and Akhtam Shaymardanov met Mr Adylov Komiljon, a representative of the Central Electoral Commission of Uzbekistan. Human rights activists reminded that Islam Karimov’s participation in the presidential elections is contrary to the Article 90 of the constitution of Uzbekistan. They were forced to flee Uzbekistan in six months following the presidential elections. They felt a threat of arrest in their home country and have therefore appealed for international protection.

[3.] A list of passport system subordinate acts that contradict Article 12 of the International Pact on Civic and Political Rights:
          [3.1.] President Islam Karimov’s decree on the enforcement of the decree on the passport system in the Republic of Uzbekistan; effective as of 23 December 1994;
          [3.2.] Attachment No 1 to the presidential decree No UP-2240 to the decree on the passport system in the Republic of Uzbekistan; effective as of 26 February 1999; 
          [3.4.] A presidential decree on introducing amendments and addenda No UP-3441, effective as of 4 June 2004, to the presidential decree No UP-2240 on improving the passport system in the Republic of Uzbekistan, effective as of 26 February 1999; 
        [3.5.] Attachment No 2 to the presidential decree No UP-2240 on residence permits for foreign nationals, stateless persons and statelessness certificates; effective as of 26 February 1999; 
          [3.6.] On 15 April 1999, the Uzbek president approved the amendments to Article 223 of the Penal Code on administrative accountability. A fine equivalent to one to three minimal salaries will be hereinafter imposed on those who infringe on passport regulations, i.e. non-compliance with passport registration rules, residence without a passport or using an invalid passport, absence of permanent or temporary passport registration. The amount of fines imposed in relation to the passport regulation has therefore tripled compared to the previous decree’s provisions.

[4.] According to the Association’s information, Jizzak-based human rights activists Bakhtiyar Khamrayev is under constant surveillance of law-enforcement agencies. On 11 December 2006, he was unable to leave Jizzak for traveling to participate in a reception hosted by the US embassy on the occasion of the International Human Rights Day in Tashkent. The failure to get an exit visa (OVIR) prevented Khamrayev from traveling to a workshop for human rights activists in Turkey on 23 to 25 January 2007. 12 other human rights activists were unable to travel with him due to hindrances imposed by authorities. On 5 June 2008, Khamrayev had to undertake several attempts to leave Jizzak for Tashkent to participate in a workshop on forced child labour in cotton growing in Uzbekistan;
          [4.1.] On 2 June 2008, human rights activists Ms Mutabar Tajibayeva was released from the prison due to her health problems. Human rights activists Mutabar Tajibayeva was permitted to leave Margilan for traveling to Tashkent for medical treatment only following interference by the French Foreign Ministry.

[5.] The association has a copy of a log-book of a school in the Fergana Valley. Pages covering the period between 4 September and late October 2007 indicate schoolchildren’s absences in classes and a diagonal handwritten note reads “Gone to cotton-picking”. This is the period when the cotton season is at in the full swing, and entire schools are emptied with children being taken into fields. The youngest among them may be as young as 10 years old, and frequently even 8. It leads academic institutions to dramatically reduce their academic schedule. 
         [5.1.] The principal of a college in Gallaaral rayon of Jizzak oblast, Mr Ravshanov I, has filed an official request to the head of the local administration, Mr Khushbokov A, and the local prosecutor, Mr Rajabov U, to punish those students who refused to participate in the cotton picking campaign of 2007. The letter enlists the names of those college students: S. Ibragimov, H. Tursunova, B. Mamatov, S. Abdurakhmonov, A. Berdimurodov, U. Khayitboyev, B. Tangrikulov, B. Mirzabekova and S. Narzullayeva. These students were later expelled from the college. However, thanks to publicizing letter, the children were admitted to studies in the college.
          [5.2.] In 2005, the director of a medical college in Jizzak oblast, Mr Uralov (we were unable to verify his first name), was sacked and later arrested on financial fraud allegations. The true reason to that was the fact that his students did not participate in cotton-picking. The head of the oblast administration, Ubaydulla Yamankulov, has beaten up the director in eyewitnesses’ presence, handcuffed him to a window fence. The head of the oblast administration Yamankulov ordered to shoot this scene of violence on a videotape. 
          [5.3.] On 17 August 2004, 32 farmers from Jizzak rayon filed a complaint to the president of Uzbekistan, Islam Karimov, for illegal alienation of their land lots. The state responded immediately – they all were summoned to the oblast administration, and hokim Yamankulov beat up all the farmers in presence of 60 police officers until the farmers “confessed they have voluntarily given up the land lots”.
          [5.4.] Between 22 September and 29 November 2007, 15-16-year-old students of the Jizzak medical college were picking cotton in Bahmal rayon of Jizzak oblast fulfilling the orders thay had received from the head of local administration, Mr. Anarbayev M.T. A tragedy took place in October – an tractor has ran over the sleeping Abdullayeva Gavkhar who fell asleep on a seedbed from exhaustion. The girl died instantly. All the eyewitnesses have given written promise not to publicize the fact.
           [5.5.] In autumn of 2007, a tractor trailer ran over two minor girls in Navoi oblast during the cotton-picking season. All the eyewitnesses of the event have given written promise of non-disclosure of information.

[6.] In 2007, R. Sarbayev, the director of the national association of non-government and non-profit organizations of Uzbekistan, has said: “Following the revolutions in Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan, a process of reviewing the activities of NGOs and international funds and representations, particularly those of human rights organizations, is taking place in the CIS countries.”

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2.4.08

On the question of EU sanctions against Uzbekistan


The EU is to be praised for its position in imposing sanction on the brutal Uzbek regime, lifting them now would deprive the EU of the levers of influence on the human rights situation in Uzbekistan.

SUMMARY: We hope that in its April Decision the Council will be objective and will take into account the fact that Uzbekistan has failed to comply with the requirements of the entire Sanctions package, both its original version (May 2005) and even the reduced variant (October 2007). An important thing is that the very nature of the regime has not even slightly changed. The regime has been and remains autocratic and oppressive with elements of totalitarianism. Smaller concessions on human rights with respect to the European Union were made just before a decision on sanctions. They were clearly timed to coincide with and influence the decision and do not express a systematic liberalization line and humanization of domestic policy. If the sanction were to be lifted, there would be no need for Karimov to make concession and everything would revert back.

On May 13, 2005 government troops brutally suppressed a demonstration in the square Bobur in Andijan. At the end of the same year, the European Council adopted sanctions in respect of Uzbekistan, including a ban on arms supplies to that country and the entry visas applicable to 12 government officials and senior military officers. As a condition for lifting of those sanctions, Uzbekistan was to allow an international investigation of the Andijan events, which has not yet been fulfilled.

As a consequence of Uzbek government inaction these sanction have been repeatedly extended, whilst at the same they have been mitigated. Most recently, the question regarding the investigation of the Andijan tragedy was allotted to the background, and the EU has started to forget the Andijan tragedy much faster than the events in the square Tian-an-Men in China. The main EU requirement has changed and it now concerns the observance of human rights in Uzbekistan.

In October 2007, the European Council decided to suspend the visa ban for six months, justifying the move as providing an opportunity for Uzbekistan to demonstrate progress in the required, namely: the release of all imprisoned human rights defenders from the prisons; admission of the representatives of the International Red Cross to the prisons; weakening of the regime of accreditation and registration of non-governmental organizations. This rather narrow list of requirements significantly differs from the broader human rights platform that has been put forward by the civil society activists of Uzbekistan (please, see their appeal to the European Union on September 19, 2007 – attached).

But even this reduced list of requirements has only partially been fulfilled by Uzbekistan: for example, only six of thirteen human rights defenders, indicated by the organization of Human Rights Watch in its appeal on December 14, 2007, have been released from prison. Only HRW has been able to resume its activities, while the other international non-governmental organizations still may not be present in the country. Only three years later the representative of ICRC finally received permission to visit prisons and prisoners in need of humanitarian assistance, including many prisoners of conscience. It must be noted that even these limited requirement of the European Union have not been fully implemented.

Supporters of lifting the sanctions point out to the fact that there are some relaxations of restrictions, and that it is necessary to accommodate Tashkent, by encouraging further progress. And some even call into question the effectiveness of the sanctions as a way of improving human rights situation in general and in this country in particular.

Our paper aims to highlight these two fundamental issues and make an appropriate recommendation to the EU.

The first question: inadequate use of EU sanctions against Uzbekistan and Burma.

First of all we would like to draw attention to the fact that in the same document from the European Council on 15-16 October 2007 (on the basis of 2824 meetings), along with the softening of the sanctions against Uzbekistan much tighter sanctions were imposed against Burma for the suppression of dissident in events strikingly similar to Andijan. Is there logic in adopting such a document?

On the effectiveness of sanctions against the regime of Karimov: it is necessary to turn to the facts instead of speculation on this subject. The Association has information on 51 inmates, who have been charged with criminal offences between 1991 and 2007. There are human rights defenders, journalists, members of political parties and other people persecuted for religious beliefs in our list. They are thousands. They have also been convicted for political reasons for independent views on religion. We do not have accurate statistics on this category of prisoners. Human Rights Center “Memorial” has information on it.

Trends in the arrest, trial and release of these 51 prisoners of conscience show that in 2006, which was preceded by a peak of international pressure on Uzbekistan and the adoption of the EU sanctions, 8 people were arrested, but 9 were released. That is, a reduction of repression was observed. In 2007, the situation deteriorated again, most likely because the authorities of Uzbekistan after the easing of the international pressure felt more confidently and returned to their habitual practice of routine repression of dissidents.





1991-2004

2005

2006

2007


2008

(until March 29)

Total

Charged with criminal offences for the period *)


8


8

11

N/A

51

Released for the period *)


0

4

9

5

6

24

Stayed in prison until the indicated period

8

28

27

33

27


*) The last names of the people who represent these numbers are given in an attachment.

The conclusion from the table is provided below: the sanctions have been effective and have resulted, at least in 2006, in the alleviation of the situation in Uzbekistan.

The second question is related to the presence or absence of progress in Uzbekistan in the field of human rights. On the one hand, indeed at the beginning of 2008, there have been some positive developments, including the release of a small number of human rights defenders, the entry into force of the law to abolish the death penalty, admission of the representatives of ICC to the country as well as the signing of the ILO Conventions on child labor № 138 and 182.

Further analysis of the current situation should refer to the parallel processes as well that can negate the importance of positive changes.

Thus, in the autumn of last year, when the EU decision on easing of the sanctions regime was adopted, there were two extraordinary events.

          • First, there it was an unprecedented political assassination of journalist Alisher Saipov who was from Osh, Kyrgyzstan. An independent investigation of ICG and Russian expert Vitaliy Ponomaryov state that this crime leads to the special services of Uzbekistan.

          • Second, for the first time in the history of Uzbekistan, when a civilian, the famous poet-dissident Yusuf Juma of Bukhara, was arrested, Special Forces were used which without fired at the house of Yusuf Juma even before his arrest and in the authorities still believe that the use of weapons against unarmed people was lawful because none of the high-ranking officials suffered any criminal or disciplinary punishment for these acts. It follows that Karimov is ready to pursue and use weapons against critics of the regime.

          • In addition, as quoted above, the table shows trends relating to those charged with criminal offences and released: the same number of political prisoners remains in prisons as in 2005-2006, that is, 27 people. There are still those serving sentences who were imprisoned in 2001. The term of sentence of part of the political prisoners is de facto becoming for life under false pretexts, extensions (Akhmadjon Adylov, Murad Djuraev). As for the rest of them tactics of torture and inhuman treatment are used, as a result of which their health has seriously deteriorated (Mamadali Makhmudov, Mutabar Tadjibaeva).

          • European Union should draw attention to the way the authorities of Uzbekistan treat political prisoners. International experts and Uzbek activists regularly report systematic practice of torture in Uzbekistan. The UN Committee against Torture made the last such conclusion in November 2007, and the torture of Yusuf Juma in prison is a recent example, which his lawyer confirmed.

          • One typical example: On March 28, 2008 the relatives of 26-year-old Abdurakhim Tashpulatov, convicted on trumped up case in 2001, received his body. The causes of death are not disclosed by the authorities. This is the third case of the death of a prisoner during the past year. There are serious grounds to believe that death was a result of torture.

          • The last presidential election in December 2007 was a political farce and demonstrated complete disregard for the norms of the Constitution and international law. Islam Karimov has been ruling the country for already 17 years in the face of repressive policies and retained power in December 2007, despite the constitutional limit of the presidency to two terms.

The conclusion of the second question: along with positive changes there are a number of negative phenomena that negate the importance of these changes. The regime actually operates on the principle of step forward and two steps back. Only biased person can call this set of facts a progress.

In late April, the European Council will meet to review the sanctions regime. What are the arguments that it will take up? Will it take into account the initial requirements or cancel the sanctions?

We hope that the Council will be objective and will take into account the fact that Uzbekistan has failed to comply with the requirements of the entire package, both its original version and even the reduced variant. An important thing is that the very nature of the regime has not even slightly changed. The regime has been and remains autocratic and oppressive with elements of totalitarianism. Smaller concessions on human rights with respect to the European Union, were made just before a decision on sanctions. They were clearly timed to coincide with and influence the decision and do not express a systematic liberalization line and humanization of domestic policy. If the sanctions were to be lifted, there world be no need for Karimov to make concession and everything world revert back.

We make the following recommendation: to prove the sustainability of progress in human rights in Uzbekistan, the regime should:
          1) Release (through rehabilitation) of all prisoners convicted for political reasons;
          2) Start penitentiary reform;
          3) Discontinue the practice of torture and other ill-treatment during interrogation, investigation and serving of sentence;
          4) Remove the censorship of the media, including the Internet and to stop the harassment of journalists;
          5) Register opposition parties to for parliamentary, presidential and local elections;
          6) Exempt from the courts and the Bar dictates of state power;
          7) Discontinue the practice of forced child labor;
          8) Remove restrictions on the freedom of religion, to release believers convicted for political reasons;
          9) Exempt non-governmental organizations, both local and international, from any kind of administrative restrictions;
          10) Immediately lift restrictions on the movement in the country and leave the country, which violate the freedom of movement of citizens:
               • so-called exit visas (OVIR),
               • institute of residence and compulsory registration, which violate the freedom of movement of citizens.


The European Council appears to have withdrawn from the agenda the question of the investigation into the Andijan events, and moved on to a broader programme of development of human rights; therefore, one should henceforth be guided by the list of requirements. The reason is simple: Although human rights violations are observed in other Central Asian countries, Uzbekistan is an example of an extreme case. By neglecting the rights of its citizens, the Uzbek government sets a negative example for other countries of Central Asia. We hope that when making a decision, the European Union will proceed from the interests and aspirations of all Uzbek society, not only in the interest of forging a partnership with the political elite.

Attachment:


Criteria

1991-2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
(until March 29)
Charged with criminal offences for the indicated period
Akhmadzhon
Adylov,
Muhammad
Bekzhan,
Rashid Bekzhan,
Murod Zhuraev,
Bakhodir Kambarov,
Mamadali Makhmudov,
Rustam Usmanov,
Gayrat Mekhliboev;


Abdugafur
Dadaboev;
Khamdam Suleymonov;
Musazhon Bobodzhonov;
Nurmuhammad Azizov;
Dilmurod Mukhiddinov;
Saidzhakhon Zaynobiddinov;
Akbarali Aripov;
Muzafamirzo Iskhakov;
Muhammadkodir
Otakhanov;
Mutabar Tadzhibaeva;
Khabibulla Akpulatov;
Norboy Kholzhigitov;
Abdurasul Khudoynazarov;
Nasim Isakov;
Sattor Irzaev;
Mamarazhab Irzaev;
Sanzhar Umarov;
Nadira Khidoyatova;
Ulugbek Kattabekov;
Nosir Zakirov;
Zakhidzhon Zakirov;
Bobomurod Mavlyanov;
Khazrat Akhmedov;
Dzhamol Kutliev;
Azam Farmonov;
Alisher Karamatov;
Ikhtier Khamraev;
Isroilzhon Kholdarov;
Zhamshid Karimov;
Ulugbek Khaydarov;
Utkur Pardaev;
Yadgor Turlibekov;

Gulbakhor Turaeva;
Umida Niyazova;
Yuldash Rasulev;
Zafar Rakhimov;
Sobir Tulyaganov;
Tursinbay Utamuradov;
Mashrab Dzhumaev;
Yusuf Juma;
Bobur Jumaev;
Karim Bozorboev;
Bakhodir Mulhtarov;
N/A

Released for the indicated period
absent
Abdugafur Dadaboev;
Muzafarmirzo Iskhakov;
Muhammadkodir Otakhanov;
Zakhidzhon Zakirov;




Khamdam Suleymonov;
Musazhon Bobodzhonov;
Nurmukhammad Azizov;
Akbarali Aripov;
Nadira Khidoyatova;
Nosir Zakirov;
Ulugbek Khaydarov;
Utkur Pardaev;
Yadgor Turlibekov;

Gulbakhor Turaeva;
Unida Niyazova;
Sobir Tulyaganov;
Tursinbay Utamuradov;
Bakhodir Mukhtarov;

Sayidzhakhon Zaynabiddinov,
Ulugbek Kattabekov;
Bobomurod Mavlyanov,
Ikhtiyor Khamraev,
Karim Bozorbaev;

Stayed in prison at the end of the indicated period
Akhmadzhon
Adylov,
Muhammad
Bekzhan,
Rashid Bekzhan,
Murod Zhuraev,
Bakhodir Kambarov,
Mamadali Makhmudov,
Rustam Usmanov,
Gayrat Mekhliboev;


Abdugafur
Dadaboev;
Khamdam Suleymonov;
Musazhon Bobodzhonov;
Nurmuhammad Azizov;
Dilmurod Mukhiddinov;
Saidzhakhon Zaynobiddinov;
Akbarali Aripov;
Muzafamirzo Iskhakov;
Muhammadkodir
Otakhanov;
Mutabar Tadzhibaeva;
Khabibulla Akpulatov;
Norboy Kholzhigitov;
Abdurasul Khudoynazarov;
Nasim Isakov;
Sattor Irzaev;
Mamarazhab Irzaev;
Sanzhar Umarov;
Nadira Khidoyatova;
Ulugbek Kattabekov;
Nosir Zakirov;
Zakhidzhon Zakirov;
Bobomurod Mavlyanov;
Khazrat Akhmedov;
Dzhamol Kutliev;
Dilmurod Mukhiddinov;
Saidzhakhon Zaynobiddinov;
Mutabar Tadzhibaeva;
Khabibulla Akpulatov;
Norboy Kholzhigitov;
Abdurasul Khudoynazarov;
Nasim Isakov;
Sattor Irzaev;
Mamarazhab Irzaev;
Sanzhar Umarov;
Ulugbek Kattabekov;
Bobomurod Mavlyanov;
Khazrat Akhmedov;
Dzhamol Kutliev;
Azam Farmonov;
Alisher Karamatov;
Ikhtier Khamraev;
Isroilzhon Kholdarov;
Zhamshid Karimov;   
Yuldash Rasulev;
Zafar Rakhimov;
Mashrab Dzhumaev;
Yusuf Jumaev;
Bobur Jumaev;
Karim Bozorboev;
Dilmurod Mukhiddinov,
Mutabar Tadzhibaeva,
Khabibulla Akpulatov,
Norboy Kholzhigitov,
Abdurasul Khudoynazarov,
Nasim Isakov,
Sattor Irzaev,
Mamarazhob Nazarov;
Sanzhar Umarov;
Isroilzhon Kholdarov;
Khazrat Akhmedov;
Azam Farmonov;
Alisher Karamatov;
Zhamshid Karimov;  Dzhamol Kutliev;
Yuldash Rasulev;
Zafar Rakhimov;
Mashrab Dzhumaev;
Yusuf Juma;
Bobur Jumaev;
Akhmadzhon
Adylov,
Muhammad
Bekzhan,
Rashid Bekzhan,
Murod Zhuraev,
Bakhodir Kambarov,
Mamadali Makhmudov,
Rustam Usmanov,
Gayrat Mekhliboev;
 
Dilmurod Mukhiddinov;
Mutabar Tadzhibaeva;
Khabibulla Akpulatov;
Norboy Kholzhigitov;
Abdurasul Khudoynazarov;
Nasim Isakov;
Sattor Irzaev;
Mamarazhob Nazarov,
Sanzhar Umarov;
Isroilzhon Kholdarov;
Khazrat Akhmedov;
Azam Farmonov;
Alisher Karamatov;
Zhamshid Karimov;   Dzhamol Kutliev;
Yuldash Rasulev;
Zafar Rakhimov;
Mashrab Dzhumaev;
Yusuf Juma;
Bobur Jumaev;
Akhmadzhon
Adylov,
Muhammad
Bekzhan,
Rashid Bekzhan,
Murod Zhuraev,
Bakhodir Kambarov,
Mamadali Makhmudov,
Rustam Usmanov,
Gayrat Mekhliboev;