27.10.25

EU Should Use Enhanced Partnership with Uzbekistan to Press for Meaningful Human Rights Progress


Brussels, 27 October 2025 — Following the signature of the EU–Uzbekistan Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (EPCA), International Partnership for Human Rights (IPHR), the Association for Human Rights in Central Asia (AHRCA), the Norwegian Helsinki Committee (NHC) and the Helsinki Foundation for Human Rights (HFHR) urge the EU to ensure that human rights are placed at the heart of this deepened partnership, and that economic and geopolitical interests do not take precedence over human rights concerns.  

The EU should use the pending ratification of the agreement – required before it can fully enter into force – and its subsequent implementation to press for real and lasting human rights improvements in Uzbekistan.

Human Rights Commitments Must Not Remain Rhetorical

Signed during President Shavkat Mirziyoyev’s visit to Brussels on 24 October 2025, the EPCA aims to elevate EU–Uzbekistan relations to a new strategic level, expanding cooperation in trade, political and economic relations, energy, transport, security, environmental protection and other areas. It follows a notable increase in EU–Uzbekistan trade and investment in recent years, with Uzbekistan benefiting from preferential access to the EU market under the EU’s GSP+ scheme since 2021.

The EPCA includes commitments to respect democratic principles, the rule of law, and human rights, and to foster an enabling environment for civil society. The EU has underlined the importance of shared values and argued that the agreement will allow for expanded engagement on human rights. A joint EU-Uzbekistan statement issued following the signing of the EPCA highlighted reforms to strengthen the rule of law, human rights, civil society and media development as a ‘’shared priority’’.

Yet, without clear benchmarks for progress, the Uzbekistani government’s commitments risk remaining purely rhetorical.


Benchmarks and Follow-up Monitoring Needed

Currently the human rights situation in Uzbekistan remains deeply worrying, with limited genuine progress despite reform pledges by the authorities. Indeed, some early reform initiatives launched after President Mirziyoyev came to power in 2016 – two years before negotiations on the EPCA began – have been undermined by subsequent backsliding.

Civic space is highly restricted, with independent media and civil society groups operating under severe constraints, and journalists, bloggers and human rights defenders facing ongoing harassment, including politically motivated imprisonment, and even forced psychiatric confinement. Persecution also extends to exiled activists, while authorities have prevented former political prisoners from obtaining rehabilitation. The judiciary remains under political control, and torture and ill-treatment are prevalent. Authorities have failed to ensure accountability for the 2022 crackdown on mass protests in Karakalpakstan, and consensual homosexual relations remain criminalised, further illustrating the gap between reform promises and reality. (See more on current human rights concerns below).

In this context, it is imperative that the EU and its members link the ratification and full implementation of the EPCA to tangible measures by the Uzbekistani authorities to halt further deterioration and ensure genuine improvements in human rights protection in the country.

The European Parliament, whose consent is required for ratification, should adopt a similar approach to that taken in relation to the EU–Kyrgyzstan EPCA. In its September 2025 resolution on Kyrgyzstan, the Parliament called for concrete steps to address the worsening human rights situation in this country before ratification and implementation of the new agreement, as well as for a robust monitoring framework with human rights benchmarks and timelines to track progress. It also stressed that a negative assessment could lead to the agreement’s suspension. We urge the Parliament to insist on a similar scheme for Uzbekistan, with both the Parliament and independent civil society actors closely involved in monitoring and follow-up.

 
Priority Areas for EU Engagement and Human Rights Progress

The EU should insist on meaningful progress in the following areas, as a matter of priority:

  • Ending the persecution of human rights defenders, journalists, and activists, and releasing those imprisoned for peacefully exercising their rights;
  • Decriminalising defamation and insult and ensuring these charges are not used to stifle free speech;
  • Halting the misuse of international cooperation mechanisms – in particular those of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) – to seek the forcible return of individuals on politically motivated grounds;
  • Guaranteeing the rehabilitation and protection of former political prisoners, and ensuring their access to justice and compensation;
  • Conducting thorough, impartial investigations into the 2022 suppression of mass protests in Karakalpakstan and ensuring accountability for all those responsible for the excessive use of force, torture and other serious violations;
  • Allowing independent human rights organisations to register and operate freely, and removing excessive restrictions on the operations and funding of NGOs;
  • Guaranteeing judicial independence and fair trial standards, and protecting lawyers from harassment due to their professional activities;
  • Consistently enforcing legal safeguards against torture, establishing an independent mechanism to investigate complaints, and taking effective measures to ensure accountability for perpetrators;
  • Decriminalising consensual homosexual relations and ensuring effective protection for LGBT people from harassment, violence, and abuse.

Tangible progress on human rights is not only a moral imperative but also an important foundation for sustainable trade, security, and development. The EU should use the EPCA as leverage for genuine reform — not as a reward for unfulfilled promises.

Background: Key Human Rights Concerns in Uzbekistan

Despite commitments to media freedoms, authorities continue to suppress independent media operations, with draft legislation risking to impose new restrictions. Journalists, bloggers, and human rights defenders face ongoing – and increasing – intimidation and harassment, including surveillance, smear campaigns, and politically motivated prosecutions.

A case of particular concern is that of lawyer and blogger Dauletmurat Tazhimuratov, who is serving a 16-year sentence for his peaceful role in the 2022 mass protests in Karakalpakstan and reportedly has been subjected to torture in prison. He was targeted as part of a wider crackdown on dissent in the region launched after the 2022 events.

Another alarming case is that of human rights defender and blogger Shahida Salomova, who has been

In addition to persecuting critics at home, authorities have increasingly exploited international cooperation mechanisms to pursue outspoken bloggers and activists based abroad on politically motivated charges. Aside from Interpol notices, requests made through CIS and SCO have become a growing threat to exiled activists, with a rising number of individuals forcibly returned from Turkey and CIS countries in recent years.

At the same time, authorities have failed to rehabilitate former political prisoners whose convictions – often based on forced confessions – remain in place, leaving them without access to justice or compensation and vulnerable to social exclusion, discrimination, and harassment. These include activists previously recognised as political prisoners by the European Parliament.

Independent NGOs continue to face systematic barriers to registration, with applications rejected on arbitrary grounds. For example, human rights defender Agzam Turgunov has been denied registration of his NGO, Human Rights House more than a dozen times. NGOs are also subject to excessive restrictions on their operations and funding. Foreign grants require government approval in a cumbersome process that often leads to refusals or significant delays in accessing funds.

Despite proclaimed judicial reforms, the judiciary remains under political influence. Politically sensitive cases are often classified as “secret,” hearings held behind closed doors, and acquittals are exceedingly rare. Defence lawyers face harassment for representing clients in politically motivated cases.

Torture and ill-treatment remain prevalent, with reported cases rarely effectively investigated or punished – a problem underscored by the lack of an independent investigation mechanism. Despite legal safeguards, detainees are often denied prompt access to lawyers, and judges frequently disregard evidence of abuse.

Impunity persists for serious human rights violations committed during the July 2022 events in Karakalpakstan, when security forces harshly suppressed mass protests against proposed constitutional amendments. Last year, a parliamentary commission deemed law enforcement actions as “lawful”, contradicting credible independent findings of excessive force, torture and other grave abuses. These findings highlight the need for further, impartial and thorough investigations and for effective measures to hold all perpetrators accountable for violations.

Consensual homosexual relations remain criminalised, leaving LGBTI people exposed to harassment, threats, and abuse without protection.

 



23.10.25

EU–Uzbekistan: Respect for Human Rights Must Be a Precondition for Partnership

The Association for Human Rights in Central Asia (AHRCA), Central Asia Due Diligence (CADD), the human rights group “Open Line”, and the public channel “World and Politics”, founded by independent journalist and former prisoner of conscience Yusuf Ruzimuradov, call for the necessity of placing human rights issues at the core of the agenda during the visit of President Shavkat Mirziyoyev to Brussels on 24 October 2025, when the signing of the Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (EPCA) between Uzbekistan and the European Union is expected to take place.

Conditions for Justice

Nine years have passed since Shavkat Mirziyoyev, upon assuming the presidency of Uzbekistan, announced the launch of large-scale legal reforms. However, Uzbekistan’s judiciary remains effectively under the President’s control and is dependent on the executive branch. Despite the adoption of new laws and amendments, the situation in practice has not changed: a profound gap persists between the letter of the law and its implementation. The results of any monitoring of the enforcement of legislation, if such monitoring is conducted at all, remain inaccessible to the public.

Our analysis shows that, on the eve of the signing of the Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (EPCA), the authorities of Uzbekistan continue to simulate reforms without ensuring genuine rule of law. The judiciary remains a tool of political pressure, while the proclaimed “legal reforms” fail to guarantee the protection of human rights.

Our monitoring has revealed the following trends:

— Widespread use of trials in absentia and closed court proceedings;

— Frequent classification of criminal cases as “secret”, especially when evidence of guilt is weak, questionable, or involves high-ranking officials;

— Lack of effective appeal mechanisms in administrative courts, particularly in cases involving critics of the government or civil society activists;

— Lawyers are often reduced to a formal role, while many face pressure or intimidation aimed at forcing them to withdraw from effectively defending their clients;

— Citizen complaints submitted via the Presidential online portal are merely registered and redirected to the very state bodies accused of rights violations, effectively denying access to justice;

— Prosecutors and courts address complaints from victims of politically motivated persecution in a purely formal manner, without proper investigations;

— Uzbek citizens living abroad, including refugees, continue to be deprived of effective avenues for fair review of their cases or redress for politically motivated persecution;

— Acquittals remain extremely rare;

— Even those officially rehabilitated are unable to reclaim confiscated property or obtain compensation;

— Re-examination of the cases of former political prisoners has not begun, and officials responsible for fabricated charges and the use of torture remain unpunished;

— Smear campaigns against and total surveillance of independent activists persist, as regularly reported by human rights defenders Tatiana Dovlatova, Klara Sakharova, Olga Abdullaeva, Elena Urlaeva, Solmaz Akhmedova, Agzam Turgunov and others;

— Punitive psychiatry continues to be practiced. Since 2023, lawyer, human rights defender and blogger Shakhida Salomova has been held in compulsory psychiatric detention, and blogger Valijon Kalonov has been under forced treatment since December 2021;

— Lawyer and blogger Dauletmurat Tazhimuratov has been subjected to unprecedented pressure and torture. He was sentenced to 16 years in prison for his peaceful participation in the 2022 mass protests in Karakalpakstan. His civic stance and commitment to defending the rights of the Karakalpak people continue to be treated as a criminal offenses in Uzbekistan;

— No conditions exist for the legal operation of human rights organizations monitoring civil, political, and social rights, as the Ministry of Justice systematically denies them registration. For example, human rights defender Agzam Turgunov has submitted registration documents for his NGO “Human Rights House” over ten times, yet the Ministry of Justice has repeatedly denied registration without justification;

— The political party “Truth and Progress” has twice been denied registration, citing an insufficient number of signatures—an assertion refuted by activists. The party’s leader Khidirnazar Allakulov and his supporters face ongoing pressure, including online bullying, surveillance, blocking of communication channels, and refusal of premises for meetings.

Politically Motivated Persecution Continues

Former political prisoners in Uzbekistan continue to face discrimination and social marginalization. Almost all of them were subjected to torture, ill-treatment, and humiliation during the rule of Islam Karimov. Those who have spoken publicly about their experiences report ongoing pressure from the security services, often extending to their family members.

Many of them still lack access to their criminal case files — either because the 25-year limitation period has expired or due to their inability to afford legal representation. They continue to suffer from dire physical and psychological consequences of torture and ill treatment.

Our findings are consistent with monitoring results on the cases of activists who were qualified as political prisoners in the European Parliament resolutions of 2009 and 2014. None of them have had their convictions, obtained under torture or through forced confessions, formally overturned. Among them are: former members of parliament Samandar Kukanov (b. 1945), Rustam Usmanov (b. 1948), and Murad Juraev (1952–2017); members of the Human Rights Society of Uzbekistan Mehriniso Hamdamova (b. 1960), Zulhumor Hamdamova (b. 1969), Gaybullo Jalilov (b. 1964), Zafardjon Rahimov (b. 1968), Yuldash Rasulov (b. 1969); member of the Ezgulik Human Rights Society Isroiljon Kholdorov (b. 1951); members of the Mazlum Human Rights Center Agzam Turgunov (b. 1951), Fahriddin Tillaev (b. 1971), Nuraddin Jumaniyazov (1948–2016); member of the Committee for the Protection of Individual Rights Ganikhon Mamatkhanov (b. 1951); independent journalist Solidzhon Abdurakhmanov (1950–2025); editor of the Erk newspaper Muhammad Bekjanov (b. 1954) and correspondent Yusuf Ruzimuradov (b. 1964); Irmoq magazine staff members Botirbek Eshkuziev (b. 1978), Bahrom Ibragimov (b. 1977), Davron Kabilov (b. 1973), Davron Todzhiev (b. 1981), and Ravshanbek Vafoev (b. 1971); witness of the Andijan events of 2005 Dilorom Abduqodirova (b. 1966); and Erkin Musaev (b. 1967), former UN employee and former officer of the Ministry of Defense.

Abuses in the Spheres of Justice, Freedom, and Security

Over the past three years, the Uzbek authorities have increasingly place citizens living abroad — those who openly criticize the authorities for human rights violations or comment on cases of repression and torture — on international wanted lists based on fabricated and politically motivated criminal charges.

Such practices undermine confidence in Uzbekistan’s judicial system, as they demonstrate the absence of genuine guarantees of fair trial, independent oversight, and accountability mechanisms. If unaddressed, this policy could also create serious reputational risks for the European Union.

Return to the Practice of Forced Labour

The use of forced labour in cotton production has re-emerged. As before, the campaigns are coordinated by regional and district hokims (governors), who forcibly mobilize teachers and public-sector employees to participate in seasonal fieldwork.

Our Recommendations to the European Union

Within the framework of cooperation between the EU and Uzbekistan, we urge the European Union to:

  • Include respect for human rights and the rule of law among the binding conditions for the signing and implementation of the EPCA;
  • Raise the case of Dauletmurat Tazhimuratov and other political prisoners in the agenda of the EU–Uzbekistan political dialogue;
  • Make the release of all persons imprisoned on politically motivated charges a precondition for any deepening of partnership with Uzbekistan.

We Call on the Authorities of Uzbekistan to:

  • End restrictions on the work of human rights defenders and ensure safe conditions for their independent monitoring activities;
  • Remove politically motivated obstacles to the registration of human rights organizations, in particular the NGO “Human Rights House” led by Agzam Turgunov;
  • Guarantee genuine conditions for the registration and operation of opposition political parties, ensuring freedom of association and political pluralism in line with Uzbekistan’s international human rights obligations;
  • Cease surveillance, harassment, and other forms of persecution against independent journalists, activists, and human rights defenders;
  • Review the case of lawyer and blogger Dauletmurat Tazhimuratov, sentenced to 16 years in prison for his peaceful participation in the 2022 protests in Karakalpakstan;
  • Conduct an independent, transparent, and impartial investigation into the events of 1–2 July 2022 in Karakalpakstan;
  • Ensure compliance with Uzbekistan’s international human rights obligations, including the rights to freedom of expression, assembly, and protection from torture;
  • End the misuse of international search and extradition mechanisms under Interpol, the CIS, and the SCO for politically motivated purposes;
  • Establish effective national mechanisms for legal redress to restore the rights of former political prisoners and Uzbek citizens who have refugee status abroad;
  • Eradicate the practice of forced labour in the cotton sector through genuine reform and by granting farmers real economic freedoms, including the right to make autonomous decisions regarding the use of their land.