Boycott Uzbek Textile and Companies Using It!

We, the undersigned citizens of Uzbekistan, call for an international boycott of Uzbek

textile and companies that use it. For the Uzbek textile is produced of cotton harvested using forced labour of children and adults. Foreign investors and partners of Uzbek textile companies must comply with international human rights standards, and press for the Uzbek government to respect human rights. Only independent monitoring by the International Labour Organization can confirm when Uzbekistan ceases the practice of forced labour. We urge the European Union and the United States of America to cancel the trade benefits for Uzbek textile manufacturers, provided by the General System of Preferences. Below is a list of companies in Uzbekistan that feed cotton products into supply chains of Western companies. We call for a boycott.

Throughout the post-Soviet period Uzbekistan has not stopped the practice of large-scale forced mobilization of school children, students, employees of enterprises, government agencies and public sector workers to harvest cotton. Under orders from the central government executed by the district and provincial authorities, an estimated two million school children and adults are mobilized every autumn for two months to harvest the cotton. School children and academic year is interrupted, and they work in the cotton fields with no days off. Adults follow orders under threat of punishment, including dismissal from their jobs, losing social security benefits, and fines. Ratification of fundamental conventions of the International Labour Organization (ILO) № 29, 105, 138, 182 by Uzbekistan, which prohibit forced labour and child labour, and the adoption of certain legislation to protect the rights of children has not lead to the cessation of forced labour.

Cotton is the main agricultural crop exported by Uzbekistan, and it brings one billion U.S. dollars to the government budget. However, we Uzbek citizens have no access to the information on how the earnings from the export of cotton are used.

The research, mass media coverage of forced labour in Uzbekistan, and the repeated calls made by international organizations to stop the practice of forced labour are not bringing positive outcomes. Appeals to allow the ILO mission to examine the implementation of the country’s international obligations under the four conventions mentioned above are always rejected by the Uzbek government. To fulfil its obligations under these conventions, the Uzbek government will need to dismantle the command system in the cotton sector of the economy, which relies on forced labour. Farmers and their families become victims and hostages of the command economy. The Uzbek government sees no benefit in real agricultural reforms, preferring the old practice, dating back to the days of Stalin.

Since September 2012, we are receiving new reports of forced mobilization of students, doctors, teachers and other groups of citizens for the cotton harvest. The practice of forced labour continues, because the international pressure remains imperceptible for the government of Uzbekistan.

Since 2007, we have been calling for an international boycott of Uzbek cotton, and a number of international companies have supported it. More than 80 companies signed a pledge that they will not knowingly source Uzbek cotton until the government of Uzbekistan ends the practice of forced child labour in its cotton sector. However to identify the country of origin of the cotton in a huge trade flow is technically very difficult, a reality which is well used by the Uzbek government. We therefore call for the start of the next phase of the campaign against forced labour in Uzbekistan - a boycott of Uzbek textile and companies using it.

According to our data, annually more than 250,000 tons of cotton fibre is sold in Uzbekistan to locally-based textile companies. The biggest part of this cotton is obtained by the companies with a foreign capital - joint ventures or subsidiaries of foreign companies. There are at least 50 of these companies. Their products, e.g. yarn and fabrics, are intended for export to global textile and apparel supply chains, and thereby enter Europe and the U.S. In the appendix we provide a complete list of these companies with information identifying their foreign partners.

The list is headed by the enterprises founded by Korean companies who are the largest buyers of Uzbek cotton and textile manufacturers. First of all, these are the enterprises owned by Daewoo International. Its subsidiary “Daewoo Textile Fergana” buys the largest quantity of cotton of any company in the country’s cotton processing industry - about 30,000 tons per year. On the second place is “Daewoo Textile Bukhara” (10,000 tons a year). In addition, there are two more Korean enterprises, LLC «Hain Tex» in Namangan and «Senas Textile» in Andijan. Given the magnitude of Korean investment in the textile industry of Uzbekistan (46,500 tons of cotton purchased per year), it is hard to imagine that they were carried out without the participation of the South Korean government and its embassy in Uzbekistan. The South Korean government is informed of the situation of forced labour in the cotton sector of Uzbekistan and the international campaign for its cessation; however, it has not warned Korean companies about the risks of conducting business with Uzbek cotton and cotton products. Therefore, along with Korean companies the responsibility to boycott Uzbek cotton is shared with the government of South Korea.

We call for a boycott of the entire textile production of Daewoo International as the largest investor in the textile industry in Uzbekistan. Daewoo has to do everything possible to put the pressure on the Uzbek government to bring an end to the slavery in the cotton fields of our country. This is the way forward towards making Uzbekistan’s cotton production comply with the international social standards of business conduct, approved by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, of which South Korea is a member state.

Turkey is the second biggest investor in the Uzbek textile industry. In our country, there are about 11 textile companies with Turkish capital. The largest of them is “Osborn Textile”, owned by Tarmac Group. This company purchases 10,000 tons of Uzbek cotton per year. Below is a full list of companies in Uzbekistan that feed cotton products into supply chains of Western companies.

Our call is primarily addressed to the companies that have confirmed their desire to exclude Uzbek cotton from their supply chain, by signing the Cotton Pledge. This is possible through blacklisting the textile companies indicated on our list. We encourage other enterprises - trading companies, apparel companies and business associations, especially in Europe and North America – to follow their example.

We call upon the European Commission and the U.S. Administration to withdraw Uzbekistan, its cotton and textile, from the General System of Preferences, which provides trade incentives, until the Uzbek government demonstrates that it meets GSP conditionality to protect fundamental human rights.

The boycott of Uzbek cotton and companies using it should continue until the ILO has completed its monitoring and Uzbekistan ends the practice of forced labour. The Uzbek government must show the political will and within one year abolish the practice of exploitation. It is in the interests of the Uzbek people, socio-economic development and the international reputation of our country.

The full list of Uzbek textile companies can be downloaded here:

The list of signatories can be downloaded here:

      1.  Atayeva, Nadejda  France, Contact Person; President, Association for Human Rights in Central Asia, asiecentrale@neuf.fr; 
      2. Obid, Jodgor Austria, Poet; member, International PEN;
      3. Ignqtyev, Sergey USA, Coordinator of the project "Art and Human Rights" of the Association for Human Rights in Central Asia;
      4. Bushueva, Natalia  Sweden, Editor, Radio program "SOS", Association for Human Rights in Central Asia;
      5. Dadadjanov, Ismail Sweden, Chairman, Democratic Forum of Uzbekistan;
      6. Iskhakova, Dilarom Uzbekistan, Literati;
      7. Khudoydergenov, Iskander Uzbekistan, Human rights activist;
      8. Isabekov, Bakhtioyr Uzbekistan PhD in of Philology;
      9. Nurullayeva, Gulchekhra Uzbekistan Literati;
     10. Juma, Yusuf USA Literati;
     11. Aripov, Atanazar UZbekistan Secretary General, "Erk" Democratic Party of Uzbekistan;
     12. Ikramov, Surat Uzbekistan Chair, Initiative Group of Uzbekistan's Independent Human Rights Defenders surat.i @rambler.ru ;
     13. Imomov, Sanjarali Uzbekistan, Literati;
     14. Bekjan, Safar Switzerland, Literati;
     15. Boymatov, Abdujalil Ireland, President, Human Rights Society of Uzbekistan;
     16. Umarov, Sanjar USA, Chairman, Sun Shine Coalition sanjar.umarov@gmail.com;
     17. Yakub, Shahida UK, Chair, Uzbek Initiative-London;
     18. Choriyev, Bahodir USA, Chairman, "Birdamlik" People's Movement birdamlik@gmail.com;
     19. Niyazova, Umida  Germany,  Uzbek-German Forum for human Rights;
     20. Yuldashev, Tashpulat USA, Political scientist;
     21. Boymatov, Salomatoy Ireland,  Member, Human Rights Society of Uzbekistan;
     22. Yeshova, Bashorat Switzerland, Coordinator, Human Rights Society of Uzbekistan;
     23. Urlaeva, Elena Uzbekistan, Chair, "Human Rights Alliance of Uzbekistan" Public movement;
     24. Karaeva, Gulshan Uzbekistan, Chair of the Kashkadarya branch, Human Rights Society of Uzbekistan;
     25. Toksanov, Alisher Switzerland, Independent Journalist;
     26. Ismoilov, Sukhrobjon  Uzbekistan, Expert Working Group of Uzbekistan;
     27. Babadjanov, Kudrat Sweden, Independent Journalist;
     28. Abidov, Alisher   Norway, Human rights activist;
     29. Kutbiddinov, Khusniddin USA, Independent Journalist;
     30. Muxtarov, Farhodhon, Uzbekistan Human rights activist;
     31. Karaev, Tulkin Sweden, Member, Human Rights Society of Uzbekistan;
     32. Khaydarov, Ulughbek Canada, Independent journalist and human rights activist, winner of the  Hellman-Hammett Prize;
     33. Episova, Daria USA, Independent Journalist;
     34. Sapurov, Oleg Uzbekistan, Human rights activist;
     35. Mamatkulova, Muborakkhon Uzbekistan, Member, "Birdamlik" party;
     36. Abdurakhimov, Abdulatif Sweden, Political refugee;
     37. Isakov, Dilmurod Sweden Member,  "Ezgulik" Human Rights Society of Uzbekistan;
     38. Bakaev, Abdumalik Sweden Political refugee;
     39. Isakov, Avaz Sweden Member,  "Ezgulik" Human Rights Society of Uzbekistan;
     40. Usupov, Bayramali Demark, Political refugee;
     41. Ganiev, Rafik Sweden, Member,  "Ezgulik" Human Rights Society of Uzbekistan;
     42. Narbutaev, Nabidjon Sweden, Member, "Birlik" Party;
     43. Akhmedov, Asadullo Norway, Political refugee;
     44. Akhmedova, Dildora Norway, Political refugee;
     45. Anderson, Daniel Norway, Political refugee;
     46. Anderson, David Norway, Political refugee;
     47. Khodzhaev, Shavkat Uzbekistan, Member, "Birlik" Party;
     48. Kiyamova, Rufiya Uzbekistan, Member, "Birlik" Party;
     49. Rakhimov, Ota Uzbekistan, Member, Democratic Forum of Uzbekistan;
     50. Kazimov, Davlat Uzbekistan, Member, Democratic Forum of Uzbekistan;
     51. Kazimova, Saodat Uzbekistan, Member, Democratic Forum of Uzbekistan;
     52. Kazimova, Zakhro Uzbekistan, Member, Democratic Forum of Uzbekistan;
     53. Davronov, Bek Uzbekistan, Political refugee;
     54. Iskhanov, Zubaid Uzbekistan, Political refugee;
     55. Karimov, Ibodat Uzbekistan, Political refugee;
     56. Karimov, Anvar USA, Political refugee;
     57. Karimov, Avaz USA, Political refugee;
     58. Karimov, Aub USA, Political refugee;
     59. Bobokhonov, Inom USA, Political refugee;
     60. Bobokhonov, Ilkhom USA, Political refugee;
     61. Kabimov, Rustam Uzbekistan, A member of the Democratic Forum of Uzbekistan;
     62. Kasimova, Farida Uzbekistan, A member of the Democratic Forum of Uzbekistan;
     63. Suunov, Karim Uzbekistan, A member of the Democratic Forum of Uzbekistan;
     64. Ishmatov, Rafik Uzbekistan, A member of the Democratic Forum of Uzbekistan;
     65. Alibekov, Bek Uzbekistan A member of the Democratic Forum of Uzbekistan;
     66. Abutov, Mukhammadsalikh Sweden, Chairmamn, NGO "Tayanch" ;
     67. Khudaynazarov, Dustnazar  Sweden, Member, "Erk" Party;
     68. Egamberdiev, Asror, Uzbekistan;
     69. Fayazov, Avaz Sweden, Member,  International Organization Human Rights Defenders
     70. Gafurov, Khait Sweden, Political refugee;
     71. Khadjimatov, Khatam Norway, Political refugee;
     72. Zaynabitdinov, Ulugbek Sweden, Political refugee;
     73. Ruzimatov, Kamil Ukraine;
     74. Ikramov, Jalil Ukraine;
     75. Makhkamov, Rustam Uzbekistan;
     76. Ishmatov, Komil Uzbekistan;
     77. Ruzikulov, Ikrom Uzbekistan;
     78. Abidova, Zulfia Norway, Political refugee;
     79. Abidova, Kamilia Norway, Political refugee;
     80. Isaev, Burkhon Norway, Political refugee;
     81. Kadyrov, Bakhodyr Norway, Political refugee;
     82. Ikramov, Abos Norway, Political refugee;
     83. Khodjaev, Jalokhir Norway, Political refugee;
     84. Abdullaev, Akmal Norway, Political refugee;
     85. Tursunov, Zakhid Norway, Political refugee;
     86. Safaev, Umid Norway, Political refugee;
     87. Djuraev, Bakhrom Norway, Political refugee;
     88. Izatullaev, Nemat Norway, Political refugee;
     89. Fazilova, Mukhabbat  Norway, Political refugee;
     90. Akbarov, Sanjar Norway, Political refugee;
     91. Khamraev, Oybek Norway, Political refugee;
     92. Khasanov, Dilshod Norway, Political refugee;
     93. Khodjaev, Pulat Norway, Political refugee;
     94. Obidov, Batyr Norway, Political refugee;
     95. Khakimova, Dildora Sweden, Political refugee;
     96. Salikh, Mukhammad Norway, Chairman, People's Movement of Uzbekistan m.solih49@gmail.com;
     97. Temirov, Khasan Sweden;
     98. Normumin, Namoz Sweden, Member of the Central Council, People's Movement of Uzbekistan;
     99. Shomansurov, Alidjon Norway;
     100. Kurbanov, Tahir Norway;
     101. Satvoldiev, Izzat Norway;
     102. Abdullaev, Nosyr Norway;
     103. Agzamov, Shavkat Norway;
     104. Nazirov, Maksim France
     105. Mukhammad, Shavkat Kazakhstan;
     106. Eliboev, Bokhodir Uzbekistan Member, Initiative Group of Uzbekistan's Human Right Defenders;
     107. Sharipova, Saida Russia;
     108. Yusupova, Khurshed Russia;
     109. Mamadjonov, Mustafo Russia;
     110. Makhmudov, Sukhbatjon Russia;
     111. Fayzimatov, Ilkhom Russia;
     112. Usmanov, Mukhitdin Russia;
     113. Usmanov, Niriddin Uzbekistan;
     114. Sufiev, Sherzod Russia;
     115. Mukhammadi, Shavkat Russia;
     116. Mirzoboev, Burkhonjon Uzbekistan;
     117. Kurbanov, Bakhodir Uzbekistan;
     118. Solieva, Shakhnoza Uzbekistan;
     119. Sattarova, Umida Uzbekistan;
     120. Akhmedov, Gulom Uzbekistan;
     121. Akhmedova, Ozoda Uzbekistan;
     122. Khamroev, Muslimbek Uzbekistan;
     123. Dekhkanov, Muzafar Uzbekistan;
     124. Dekhkanova, Guzal Uzbekistan;

Uzbekistan: letter from the penal colony «Jaslyk» on new cases of torture

This letter is more like a note passed among prisoners of the penal colony 64/71. They describe a new form of punishment administered chaotically, and their attempts to resist the violence directed against them to suppress the human spirit. 

Translation from Uzbek language into Russian language was prepared by the Association «Human Rights in Central Asia». 

This took place in December 2011 in the penal colony «Jaslyk»

Excerpt from a letter from an inmate at penal colony 64/71, 

part of the «Jaslyk"prison complex in the Karakalpakstan 

Republic

«In the prison «Jaslykа» they have introduced an hour daily dedicated to reading the works of the president [AHRCA notes that this refers to Uzbekistan’s leader, Islam Karimov]. 

In the 7th squad as well, as every day, we read this book. Ortikali [the last name of the prisoner in the letter is withheld] from Kokand, at this time has his mind on other things and is not paying attention to the reading.  For this, for not listening to the president’s book, he was dragged from his cell. 

The head of educational affairs at this colony is Berdibayev Ikrom Kadirbaevich [AHRCA Notes this is his real name]. He personal participated when they tortured Ortikali. He [Berdibayev] ordered that he be beaten on his heels. When Ortikali had suffered 30-40 beatings, the asked him if now he would listen to the book of the president, and he made it clear that he remained firm in his previous sentiment. Then Berdibayev Ikrom Kadirbaevich gave an order to have him beaten on his heels an additional 20-30 times. Altogether, he bore 80 strikes to the heel. His heels are swollen. He [Ortikali] is now in no condition to walk.  

For 10 days, according to unwritten orders, they threw him into the solitary confinement cell of the new building, built for prisoners sentenced to life in prison. Four prisoners out of the 7th ward were also thrown into solitary confinement cells for asking that Ortikali be returned from the facility. And additionally, the announced a hunger strike. Four people for four days went on the hunger strike. After this act of protest, it was announced that he [Ortikali] was legally placed into solitary and then he was taken to the infirmary. There, they bandaged his wounds.  

After 10 days of his [Ortikali’s] release, he was again taken to the general area of the 7th ward. 

This is not a unique incident, and it happens practically every day. Prisoners sentenced according to Article 159 and those who serve their sentences in this area are often thrown into the solitary confinement cells in the building for prisoners sentenced to life.  The staff of the zone announce that they have the right to put into solitary confinement those who violate order. And they say that this is confirmed in the law». 

_____

Penal Colony 64/71 popularly called «Jaslyk», as it is located in a village named «Jaslyk», located in the semi-autonomous Republic of Karakalpakstan which is part of Uzbekistan. This prison has become a symbol of the tyranny of the Uzbek state. It contains mostly prisoners convicted of serious crimes: for membership in forbidden organizations, for criticizing the regime, or for involvement in terrorism. The convicts in this prison rarely get amnestied. Often, these prisoners get tried several times and are never released. And those who manage to leave, try not to think about their experiences there. 

Torture here is commonplace. Our Association received the map of the cells where prisoners were tortured and subject to sexual violence. In a comment to this map, the person who drew it wrote that victims were mutilated in such a way that they were afraid to show them before their fellow inmates. They were immediately escorted to other colonies. In 2002, on the eve of the visit to this prison of UN Special Rapporteur on Torture Theo van Boven, the entrance to this facility was cemented shut. The fate of the torture victims remains unknown. 

This colony, 64/71, is in a particularly difficult climate. In the summers, the temperatures reach over 50 degrees Celsius, and in the winters drops below minus 20 degrees. There are constant winds, and there is a constant lack of and poor quality of water, which has a high level of salinity. Prisoners return from this colony with many ailments, often with disabilities. The fate of these prisoners is shared and known by the well-known defender of farmer’s rights from the Human Rights Society of Uzbekistan, Azam Farmonov.итник прав фермеров из Общества прав человека Uzbekistanа Азъам Фармонов. 

Any information from the prisoners of this colony always has striking details of cruelty. Especially valuable is the testimony in which those individuals involved in executing the torture are named. They commit these crimes with full confidence of their impunity. 

_____

Association «Human Rights in Central Asia» notes that in Uzbekistan there is such an environment in which human rights defenders are unable to investigate cases of torture. They are persecuted for criticism and their rights to travel are restricted.

Over the past five years, the authorities have harassed over 200 human rights defenders and journalists, among whom 16 have been taken to prison. In 2007, the Tashkent office of the international human rights organization Human Rights Watch was shuttered after a 15-year presence in the country.  For several years, the Uzbek authorities would not issue visas or accreditations for the staff of this organization. Increasingly, the victims of human rights violations conceal their names and turn to international organizations and the international community through political refugees outside the country. 

Association «Human Rights in Central Asia» invites for collaboration volunteers for translation and editing of the organization’s documents. For further information please email us at: asiecentrale@neuf.fr 
 

 

Uzbekistan: Joint Letter regarding US Failure to Downgrade Uzbekistan's TIP Tier Status

The Honorable Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State
U.S. Department of State
2201 C Street NW
Washington, DC 20520


Dear Secretary Clinton:

We write to express our sincere disappointment that the State Department once again did not downgrade Uzbekistan to Tier III in the 2012 Trafficking in Persons Report, and we call on the U.S. government to urge the Uzbek government to immediately invite the International Labour Organisation (ILO) to conduct unfettered monitoring of the 2012 cotton harvest. In 2011 and years prior, the Uzbek government-controlled system of cotton production forced more than a million adults and children to pick cotton. We are disheartened by the disconnect between the failure to downgrade Uzbekistan and the Uzbek government’s continued and systematic use of forced labor, repression of its citizens who attempt to monitor the situation, and overall denial of the problem.

In 2011, the State Department exercised its authority to waive an automatic downgrade of Uzbekistan to Tier III for Trafficking in Persons (TIP), citing a written and funded plan of action from the government of Uzbekistan. Since then, the Uzbek government continued to implement its forced labor cotton production system, consistently denied the existence of forced labor, and silenced citizen monitors. According to reports from non-governmental organizations working in Uzbekistan and academic studies, provincial government offices (khokimiyats) shut down schools and mobilized children and adults -- including employees of a General Motors plant -- to meet the 2011 harvest quotas. According to Ambassador George Krol, with whom we met recently at the Global Chiefs of Missions Conference, the mobilization of adults and children continues to be the prevalent practice in Uzbekistan, and the new inter-ministerial committee of the Uzbek government had not done much. To the contrary, after working with UNICEF in 2011, the Fergana provincial governor attempted to establish and implement systematic monitoring of the harvest, and the Uzbek government dismissed him.

Further indication of the Uzbek government’s lack of political will to address this issue has been its continuous and relentless crackdown on independent civil society activists who attempt to monitor the use of forced and child labor in the cotton sector – in 2011 including Elena Urlaeva, Gulshan Karaeva, and Nodir Akhatov, who was again recently attacked for her activism. International non-governmental organizations and foreign media outlets are prevented from operating in Uzbekistan to support Uzbek civil society and report on forced labor and other egregious human rights abuses. The Uzbek government has also failed to follow the recommendations of the tripartite ILO supervisory system to accept a high level monitoring mission and avail itself to technical assistance from the ILO.

Next year the State Department will no longer have the authority to waive downgrading Uzbekistan to Tier III status. Currently, Uzbekistan does not meet the standards of the Trafficking Victims Protection Act for inclusion in the Tier II category. Therefore, this fall’s harvest represents the last chance for the kind of real progress necessary before the State Department is required to downgrade Uzbekistan, under the Trafficking Victims Protection Reauthorization Act. The minimum step the government of Uzbekistan should take to avoid that outcome is to invite the ILO to monitor the 2012 cotton harvest. We understand that for ILO monitoring to proceed in the fall, the Uzbek government needs to expedite an official invitation to the ILO. We call on the U.S. government to urge the Uzbek government to demonstrate its intent to abide by its international commitments to end forced labor and child labor by immediately inviting the ILO into Uzbekistan to conduct unfettered monitoring of the 2012 cotton harvest. In the wake of the regrettable failure to downgrade Uzbekistan to Tier III in the 2012 Trafficking in Persons Report, it is all the more important that the administration conveys a strong and unequivocal message in this regard.

We understand that you have a number of important issues to consider with respect to Uzbekistan, but we firmly believe that human rights, including forced labor, forced child labor, and human trafficking, are fundamental concerns that cannot be ignored.

Sincerely,

The Cotton Coalition:

Advocates for Public Interest Law
South Korea

American Apparel and Footwear Association
United States of America

American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations
United States of America

American Federation of Teachers (AFT)
United States of America

Anti-Slavery International (ASI)
United Kingdom

Aquinas Associates
United States of America

Article 19
United Kingdom

Association for Human Rights in Central Asia
France

Australian Catholic Religious Against Trafficking in Humans
Australia

Calvert Investment Management Inc.
United States of America

The Child Labor Coalition
United States of America

Center for Reflection, Education and Action
United States of America

Clean Yield Asset Management       
United States of America

Congregation of Sisters of St. Agnes
United States of America

Eileen Fisher
United States of America

Environmental Justice Foundation
United Kingdom

Ethical Trading Initiative
United Kingdom

Eurasian Transition Group
United States of America and European Union

European Centre for Constitutional and Human Rights
Germany

Expert Working Group
Uzbekistan

Human Rights Watch
United States of America

International Labor Rights Forum
United States of America

International Crisis Group
United States of America

International Partnership for Human Rights
Belgium

Marianist Province of the US
United States of America

National Consumers League
United States of America

National Council of Jewish Women of Australia Ltd.
Australia

National Retail Federation
United States of America

NorthStar Asset Management, Inc.
United States of America

Open Dialog Foundation
Poland

Open Society Foundations
United States of America

p.h. balanced films
United States of America

Progressive Asset Management, Inc.
United States of America

Responsible Sourcing Network
United States of America

Retail Leaders Industry Association
United States of America

Sisters of St. Francis of Philadelphia
United States of America

Solidarity Center
United States of America

STOP THE TRAFFIK
Australia

U.S. Association of Importers of Textiles & Apparel
United States of America

Uniting Church in Australia, Synod of Victoria and Tasmania
Australia

Uzbek-German Forum for Human Rights
Germany

World Fair Trade Organizations (WFTO)    
Netherlands


cc:   Hilda L. Solis, Secretary of Labor
       William J. Burns, Deputy Secretary of State
       Robert O. Blake, Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs
       Michael H. Posner, Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights and Labor
       George Krol, United States Ambassador to the Republic of Uzbekistan
       Luis CdeBaca, Ambassador-at-Large, Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons

«SOS!» – Audio programme of the Association for Human Rights in Central Asia

Increasingly, our organisation receives more appeals over the phone. The individual who are making these appeals report about the limitations of access to a lawyer, the impossibility of obtaining reliable information, the use of torture and coercion to give false testimony, as well as many other offenses.

The victims do not always have the opportunity to speak out, not to mention submitting a complaint in writing. For them, the phone sometimes becomes the only means of communication. The situation they report about usually requires an immediate action; a plea for help of these people deserves the attention and support of the public.

                      The audioprogram "SOS" is about individuals who are waiting for your help

Do not remain indifferent!

Uzbekistan: Joint Letter to Danish Foreign Minister Villy Søvndal regarding State-Sponsored Forced Labor and Child Labor

Mr. Villy Søvndal
Minister of Foreign Affairs
Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Denmark
Asiatisk Plads 2
DK-1448 Copenhagen K
Denmark

Ambassador Lars Faaborg-AndersenRepresentative to the Political and Security Committee (PSC)
Danish Representation to the European Union
Rue d’Arlon 73, 1040 Brussels
Belguim

Dear Minister Søvndal and Ambassador Faaborg-Andersen:

We respectfully write to ask the EU to make a strong statement at the upcoming International Labour Conference reflecting the serious and systematic abuse of human rights in Uzbekistan’s cotton industry, and to urge the government of Uzbekistan to abide by its international commitments to end state-sponsored forced labour and forced child labour, by immediately committing to accept a high-level tripartite ILO mission to monitor the 2012 cotton harvest.

Once again in 2011, the government of Uzbekistan fully implemented its state-controlled forced labour system for cotton production. According to reports by the Uzbek-German Forum for Human Rights, local observers and UNICEF, the khokimiyats forcibly mobilised labour, including children as young as age 10 in the provinces of Andijan, Bukhara, Djizzak, Fergana, Kashkadarya, Khorezm, Namangan, Samarkand, Surkhandarya, Syrdarya and Tashkent. State-sponsored forced labour in Uzbekistan has consistently included adults as well. City and district administrators instruct business owners to send their employees to pick cotton. Threats of expulsion from school and dismissal from employment keep the children and adults in the cotton fields. During the 2011 harvest, video footage showed a dean from the Karakalpak National University verbally and physically abusing students who failed to meet their quotas; in the Jizzak region, a woman six months pregnant was threatened with expulsion from the Institute of Pedagogy if she refused to work. Local rights activists such as Gulshan Karaeva, Nodir Akhatov, and Elena Urlaeva who attempted to monitor the use of forced labour during the 2011 cotton harvest in various regions of Uzbekistan were arbitrarily detained and in some cases threatened with prosecution.

In its report to the 101st International Labour Conference (ILC), the Committee of Experts noted with “serious concern that the Government has yet to respond positively to the recommendation to accept a high-level tripartite observation mission or to avail itself of ILO technical assistance.” Citing letters of the International Organisation of Employers (IOE) and the International Trade Union Conference (ITUC), the report further details the problem as being one of state-sponsored and systematic forced labour of adults and children, despite the existence of the legal framework against forced labour. We share the Committee’s concern and ask the European Union to support efforts to enable an ILO mission to monitor the 2012 cotton harvest and thereafter provide a technical assistance mission based on the assessment of independent monitors.

 

The serious and systematic use of forced labour in Uzbekistan’s cotton industry requires urgent action. We ask the European Union to call, at the upcoming ILC, for a tripartite mission of the ILO to conduct unfettered monitoring during Uzbekistan’s 2012 cotton harvest, and to make clear to the Uzbek government that if it does not allow unfettered monitoring by a tripartite ILO mission and commit to implementing its recommendations, the EU will critically review and open an investigation into Uzbekistan’s inclusion in theGeneralised System of Preferences (GSP).

 

We thank you again for your support in promoting human rights and eliminating forced labour and forced child labour. We understand that you have a number of important issues to consider with respect to Uzbekistan, but we firmly believe that human rights, including forced labour and forced child labour, are fundamental concerns that need to be addressed.

 

Sincerely,

The Cotton Campaign Coalition:

Anti-Slavery International
Association for Human Rights in Central Asia
Kampagne für Saubere Kleidung
European Center for Constitutional and Human Rights
Environmental Justice Foundation
Eurasian Transition Group
Expert Working Group – Uzbekistan
Ilmarinen Mutual Pension Insurance Company
GES Investment Services
Human Rights Watch
Inkota netzwerk e.V.
International Crisis Group
International Labor Rights Forum
Open Society Foundations
Responsible Sourcing Network
Uzbek-German Forum for Human Rights


 

Uzbekistan: Joint Letter to Secretary Clinton regarding State-Sponsored Forced Labor and Child Labor

Dear Secretary Clinton:

We write to ask that, as part of your ongoing advocacy on behalf of human rights around the world, you urge the government of Uzbekistan to immediately take the appropriate steps to abide by its international commitments to end state-sponsored forced labor and child labor, beginning with an invitation to the International Labour Organization (ILO) to monitor the 2012 cotton harvest.

Once again in 2011, the government of Uzbekistan fully implemented its state-controlled forced labor system for cotton production. As in previous years, the Uzbek government required farmers to grow cotton, and local  provincial government offices (khokimiyats) mobilized students from elementary schools, middle schools, high schools, trade schools and universities to plant, weed and harvest to meet their assigned quotas. According to reports by the the Uzbek-German Forum for Human Rights, local observers, UNICEF and reporting by the State Department, the khokimiyats forcibly mobilized labor, including children as young as age 10 in the provinces of Andijan, Bukhara, Djizzak, Fergana, Kashkadarya, Khorezm, Namangan, Samarkand, Surkhandarya, Syrdarya and Tashkent. State-sponsored forced labor in Uzbekistan has consistently included adults as well. City and district administrators instruct business owners to send their employees to pick cotton. Last year, employees from the General Motors plant in Andijan reportedly were forced to take “voluntary vacations” to harvest cotton. Local rights activists such as Gulshan Karaeva, Nodir Akhatov, and Elena Urlaeva who attempted to monitor the use of forced labor during the 2011 cotton harvest in various regions of Uzbekistan were arbitrarily detained and in some cases threatened with prosecution.

The State Department’s 2011 Trafficking in Persons Report identified negligible progress by the government of Uzbekistan to end the practice of forced labor, and it identified the government quota system as a root cause of the forced labor system of cotton production. Uzbekistan remained on the Tier 2 Watch List in 2011 for the fourth consecutive year, presumably because the Uzbek government had “a written plan that, if implemented, would constitute making significant efforts to comply with the Trafficking Victims Protection Reauthorization Act’s (TVPRA) minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking and is devoting sufficient resources to implement the plan” (22 USC § 7107). However, according to Ambassador George Krol, with whom we met recently at the Global Chiefs of Missions Conference, the Uzbek government has not accomplished much. The 2011 TIP report also recommended that the government of Uzbekistan invite a mission of the ILO to monitor the 2011 cotton harvest. This did not happen.

In 2012, the government of Uzbekistan has demonstrated no progress toward eliminating forced labor and child labor in cotton production. The most recent plan adopted by the Uzbek government essentially calls for self-policing, including a government-organized monitoring of the upcoming harvest. At the January 25, 2012 public hearing on the Uzbek government’s continued eligibility for trade benefits under the U.S. Generalized System of Preferences, Ambassador Ilhom Nematov again denied openly to U.S. government representatives that there was any forced labor, stating, “It's not forced labor because, you know, today literacy in Uzbekistan is 100 percent.” He also denied the existence of the cotton production quota system and confirmed that the Uzbek government had no plans to invite a mission of the ILO to monitor the 2012 cotton harvest. Given its continued denials that forced labor exists and its role in organizing the forced labor cotton production system, the Uzbek government’s self-monitoring plan cannot possibly constitute “significant efforts” to eliminate forced labor, as required by the TVPRA (22 USC § 7107). As a result, there are no grounds for granting another waiver of the legislatively-required downgrade of Uzbekistan to Tier 3 status in the 2012 TIP report.

We understand that on May 2-3, 2012, the Uzbek government will convene representatives of the United Nations Children’s Fund, the ILO Moscow Office and the European Commission in Tashkent to discuss Uzbekistan’s compliance with its international treaty obligations. While the meeting is a welcome dialogue, it can only be considered an indication of progress if it results in a formal invitation from the Uzbek government to the ILO to conduct unfettered monitoring of the 2012 cotton harvest. We strongly urge that in conjunction with this meeting the U.S. government inform the authorities in Tashkent that the only way the State Department can justify waiving a downgrade of Uzbekistan to Tier 3 in this year’s TIP report is if Uzbekistan commits to invite the ILO to conduct unfettered monitoring of this fall’s cotton harvest.

We thank you again for your support and advocacy in promoting human rights and eliminating forced labor and forced child labor. We understand that you have a number of important issues to consider with respect to Uzbekistan, but we firmly believe that human rights, including forced labor and forced child labor, are fundamental concerns that cannot be ignored.

Sincerely,

The Cotton Coalition:

Nate Herman
Vice President of International Trade
American Apparel & Footwear Association (AAFA)

American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations
(AFL–CIO)

Abby Mills
Associate, International Affairs Department
American Federation of Teachers

Nadejda Atayeva
President, AHRCA-France
Association for Human Rights in Central Asia

Bennett Freeman
Senior Vice President, Sustainability Research and Policy
Calvert Investment Management Inc.

Sr. Kathleen Coll, SSJ
Administrator, Shareholder Advocacy
Catholic Health East

Reid Maki
Coordinator
The Child Labor Coalition

Sukhrobjon Ismoilov
Expert Working Group - Uzbekistan

Auret van Heerden
President and CEO
Fair Labor Association

JeffreyW. Perkins
Executive Director
Friends Fiduciary Corporation

Steve Swerdlow
Central Asia Researcher
Human Rights Watch

Judy Gearhart
Executive Director
International Labor Rights Forum

Rev. Father Dn. Thomas Johnson-Medland, CSJ, OSL
CIO
Lighthouse Hospice Inc.

Sally Greenberg
Executive Director
National Consumers League

Erik Autor
Vice President, International Trade Counsel
National Retail Federation

Jeff Goldstein
Senior Policy Analyst for Eurasia
Open Society Foundations

Patricia Jurewicz
Director
Responsible Sourcing Network

Gwen Farry, BVM
Sisters of Charity of the Blessed Virgin Mary

Mary Beth Hamm, SSJ
Social Justice Coordinator
Sisters of Saint Joseph of Chestnut Hill

Nora Nash, OSF
Director, Corporate Social Responsibility
Sisters of St. Francis of Philadelphia

Eileen Kaufman
Executive Director
Social Accountability International

Bob King
President
United Auto Workers

Umida Niyazova       
Uzbek-German Forum for Human Rights (UGF)


cc:   Hilda L. Solis, Secretary of Labor
       William J. Burns, Deputy Secretary of State
       Robert O. Blake, Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs
       Michael H. Posner, Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights and Labor
       George Krol, United States Ambassador to the Republic of Uzbekistan
       Luis CdeBaca, Ambassador-at-Large, Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons

The Karimov Regime is Accused of Terrorist Activities: Аn Attempt on the Life of Political Émigré Obidkhon Nazarov

On 22 February 2012, an attempt was made on the well-known Uzbek Imam and theologian Obidkhon Nazarov, who was living in the town of Stromsund in Northern Sweden. Before his escape, the offender fired several shots at Obidkhon, leaving him seriously wounded. A gun silencer and backpack with weapons was found near the site of the crime, suggesting that the offender was a professional contract killer acting on orders. Obidkhon Nazarov is in critical condition, according to his doctors. An investigation into the incident has only just begun, but we have grounds to suspect the involvement of the Uzbek security forces in organizing this crime. 

Brief Biographical Information about Obidkhon Nazarov:

Obid kori Nazarov

Obidkhon Nazarov (born in 1959), goes by his Muslim name Obid kori Nazarov. From 1990 to 1996 was the imam of the Tashkent Friday Mosque “Tukhtaboi.”  After he made several critical statements about the disappearance in 1995 of the authoritative religious figure, Abduvali kori Mirzaev, the Uzbek authorities called for his dismissal from religious service. Shortly after, they brought a criminal case against him. In 1998, Obidkhon Nazarov was put on a wanted list. For the following two years, he lived in hiding in Uzbekistan. In 2000, he left Uzbekistan, relocating to Kazakhstan, where he received political refugee status through the United Nations High Commissioner on Refugees (UNHCR). In 2006, he was granted political asylum in Sweden.

The Uzbek authorities accuse Obidkhon Nazarov of religious extremism and involvement in terrorist plots. Approximately 5,000 Muslims in Uzbekistan languish in that country’s prison system for similar charges, but are denied their right to a fair and open trial, as well as the right to select their own legal counsel. Many are serving out their sentences in the penal colony “Jaslyk,” which some observers have compared to the prisons of the Stalin era, and being subject of systematic torture and inhuman treatment. The Karimov regime does everything it can so that these prisoners have no right to defend themselves suitably. 

The courts in the country are in flagrant violation of due process for criminal procedures and are in complete disregard of claims by the accused that they have been subject to torture during investigation. Despite allegations by the Uzbek authorities of Obidkhon Nazarov’s involvement in extremist activities, he repeatedly spoke in defense of all religious confessions in Uzbekistan, for freedom of speech, and for other political freedoms. Obid kori has been an outspoken opponent of the Karimov regime, but has been a proponent of peaceful methods of political change, and has rejected notions of the creation of an Islamic state in Uzbekistan.

*  *  *

According to the president of the Association for Human Rights in Central Asia Nadejda Atayeva, - «there is every reason to believe that the mastermind behind this crime is in Tashkent. This crime comes from the Karimov regime, and should be qualified as an attempted political assassination. These actions of the Uzbek security services could and should be characterized as an act of international terrorism and as their modus operandi for suppressing dissent in the country».

That Uzbekistan’s special services bear responsibility for this crime, speaks volumes about the circumstances of this attempt, and on the entire background of the Karimov regime with its opponents.

The crime was preceded by an out-and-out smear campaign by the Uzbek authorities against Obidkhon Nazarov. In 2010, the Uzbek State TV aired a documentary film called «Khunrezlik» («Bloodshed»). In it, imam Obid kori was accused of involvement in religious extremism and terrorism. Then, through the website “Press-Uz.info,” which the Uzbekistan National Security Services created for propaganda purposes, the regime sounded explicit death threats against its opponents.

This kind of harassment through the mass media controlled by the Uzbek authorities was the same that preceded by the political assassination of Alisher Saipov, the prominent journalist, an ethnic Uzbek and citizen of Kyrgyzstan.  He published in Osa newspaper h Siyosat (Politics) with criticism of the ruling regime in Uzbekistan. As a punishment, Alisher was shot in front of his office. The law enforcement agencies of Kyrgyzstan did not respond professionally to the incident, nearly destroying the investigation. But there is little doubt that the murder of Alisher Saipov was done by the Uzbekistan National Security Services.

A similar political assassination was executed by Uzbekistan’s security services in September 2011 in Russia. A member of the oppositional “People’s Movement of Uzbekistan,” businessman Fouad Rustamkhodjaev, who was a Russian citizen, was killed by gunshot. The law enforcement agencies in Russia, just like their colleagues in Kyrgyzstan, failed to conduct a full investigation and identify the offender. But did they really want to do so? It is a rhetorical question, given the long-standing practice of close cooperation between the Russian and Uzbekistan special services.

The special services of Uzbekistan are responsible for other crimes, in particular attempted murders. For example, in 2001, they made a foiled attempt on the life of the leader of the “Erk” opposition party, Muhammad Solih. Through the coordinated work of the Norwegian and Swiss intelligence agencies, Muhammad Solih’s murder was prevented.

Political assassinations on the territory of other states is not the only method in the Uzbek security services’ arsenal in their struggle against dissent. They commonly employ the practice of kidnapping so-called “undesirable” characters and manage to bypass any local legal procedures to extradite these individuals to Uzbekistan, where arrest, torture, unfair trials, and long prison sentences await them.

The greatest number of disappearances of Uzbek citizens takes place in Russia. We know of at least 20 such cases. For example, on December 21, 2011, a native of Samarkand, Rustam Zohid, was kidnapped. On September 15, 2010, three natives of Andijan region, S. Satavaldiev, M. Yusupov, and A. Bekpulatov were kidnapped. Following their kidnapping, the three individuals were put on a flight to Tashkent using fake documentation issued by the Embassy of Uzbekistan in Russia. Upon their arrival, they were escorted to Andijan. They were then accused of belonging to banned religious organizations, as well as having links with the leader of the opposition party “Erk,” Muhammad Solih. The investigation into the case of the three kidnapped men was conducted in an expedited, closed-door process, and in gross violation of the Criminal-Procedural Code of Uzbekistan and international law. Neither human rights activists nor independent journalists were admitted to the court proceedings.

The Uzbek National Security Services are able to kidnap refugees and migrants in neighboring Kyrgyzstan quite freely and with impunity. Here are just a few examples:

Isroil Kholdarov, a member of the Human Rights Society of Uzbekistan (HRSU) “Ezgulik” was kidnapped in May 2006 in the city of Osh in southern Kyrgyzstan. After some time, he emerged in Uzbekistan, and in February 2007, the Andijan regional court sentenced him to six years imprisonment under Articles 159 (subversion of the constitutional order) 216 (illegal organization of public associations), 223 (illegal travel abroad), 244-1 (distribution of materials containing threats to public safety). 

Validjon Babadjanov was kidnapped on August 16, 2006 in Kyrgyzstan. Already by August 21, 2006, it became known that he was detained in the basement of the National Security Services of Uzbekistan. Sydillo Shakirov, Bakhtiar Akhmedov, and Ilhom Abdunabi were abducted in August 2006 in Kyrgyzstan. 

In addition, the Uzbek security services are trying to put pressure on refugees from Uzbekistan through threats on the telephone, or by putting pressure on their relatives that continue to live in the country. Such pressure from the Uzbek security services (regular phone calls, blackmail, threats to relatives or through relatives) were applied on several Uzbek political refugees – Akmal Khaidarov (Canada), Muhammad Solih (received asylum in Norway), Jodgor Obidov (Austria), Mirakhmat Muminov and Shovrukh Khalikov (USA), Alisher Abidov and Mukhabbat Pozilova (Norway) Bakhtiyor Mukhtarov (Finland).

But the greatest numbers of those subject to informational attacks and harassment from Uzbekistan are those living in Sweden. These, in addition to Obidkhon Nazarov, are his brothers – Abdumalik, Abdufatah, and his son Mukhitdin; as well as Hasan Temirov, Mukhammadsalih Abutov, journalists Kudrat Babadjanov and Tulkin Karaev, opposition members Alim Karabayev, Maruf Abduraffarov, Avazbek Fayozov and others. 

It is worth noting that in 2010 Obidkhon Nazarov had already reported to the Swedish police of his concerns of being followed by suspicious individuals. But unfortunately, his reports were ignored. For a long time, the Swedish police ignored the claims of other Uzbek political emigrants, who had reported on how they were subject to pressures from the Uzbek intelligence services by phone or through blackmail of their relatives in Uzbekistan. The Swedish authorities’ failure to assess the actions of the Uzbek security services in time has resulted in a sense of impunity by the Uzbek special services, and their decision to organize a political assassination, in violation of the national sovereignty of Sweden.

There is reason to believe that the Uzbek secret services have prepared their assassinations and kidnappings of their countrymen living abroad very thoroughly. Their plots were hatched in Sweden, or possibly in other European countries, where they have an infrastructure for the preparation and execution of terrorist activities. Their operations would not be possible without the support of Uzbekistan’s diplomatic missions. The coordination of such actions is done with the active participation of the Secretaries of the embassies, who are “creatures” of the National Security Services. The embassies play a crucial role in the abduction of citizens of Uzbekistan, taking advantage of their diplomatic immunity, and using diplomatic transport.

In addition to participation in the abduction of opponents of the Karimov regime, diplomatic missions play a key role in organizing a system of surveillance of Uzbek political emigrants. Through its embassies, as well as through secret services of Uzbekistan, they employ intimidation and threats of criminal prosecution to recruit informants among students studying abroad, artists travelling to foreign countries, as well as among the emigrants themselves. The Association is aware of facts of similar attempts by Uzbek embassies to recruit collaborators and informants.

The intelligence agencies actively support all kinds of business structures created by the Uzbek authorities or citizens abroad.  First of all, the staff of the overseas representative offices of “Uzbek Airways,” is involved in the kidnapping and forcible return of Uzbek nationals to Uzbekistan. Also, it is worth noting the work of a number of so-called consulting firms and companies of various profiles that are registered in Europe and managed by Uzbek staff. All of them should be subject to intense scrutiny by Western intelligence agencies. It is important to take these steps not only to protect Uzbek asylum seekers, but also to protect the sovereignty of the European countries themselves. Until now, such precautions have been ignored by the authorities of Sweden and the EU. As a result, Sweden and other EU countries have become a staging ground for acts of international terrorism, committed by the Karimov regime.

The West should finally respond adequately. Otherwise, a series of political assassinations and kidnappings could continue. We propose that the authorities of the US, Sweden, and the EU consider taking the following measures:

1.To the authorities of Sweden and other European countries – not only to investigate the assassination of Obidkhon Nazarov, but also investigate cases of pressure on Uzbek refugees by the Uzbek intelligence services. 

2.To the authorities of the US, Canada, and European countries:

• to investigate the activities of Uzbek diplomatic missions and Uzbek companies accredited in these countries, and to put them under close observation; 
• to establish stricter control over the activities of the Airline “Uzbekistan Airways,” especially Uzbek diplomatic services and transport access to landing.  

3. To the European Union  –  to revisit the issue of new sanctions, but this time on other grounds – on charges of Uzbekistan’s involvement in international terrorism. 

4. To the United States of America  –  to withdraw its decision to provide military assistance to Uzbekistan, as it can be used by the Uzbek government for terrorist purposes. 

5. To Germany - to issue a ban on the planned sale to Uzbekistan of electronic surveillance equipment by some German companies. There is no doubt that this equipment will be used against political opponents and dissidents within the country and abroad.

We hope that the European Union, the United States, and Canada will react seriously to our observations and suggestions.