Uzbekistan: 3 More Years for Long-Held Activist

Samandar Kukanov, 1992

Interim President Should Amnesty Political Prisoners

(Brussels, November 4, 2016) – Uzbek authorities should immediately and unconditionally release imprisoned political activist Samandar Kukanov, whose sentence has been arbitrarily extended for three years by Uzbek prison authorities, the Association for Human Rights in Central Asia (AHRCA), Ezgulik Human Rights Society, Freedom House, Human Rights Watch, and the International Partnership for Human Rights (IPHR) said today. Kukanov is one of the world’s longest held political prisoners.

On October 30, 2016, it became public that prison authorities had arbitrarily extended Kukanov’s term, allegedly for “violating prison rules,” beyond his scheduled October 6 release date. The EU and the UN Committee against Torture have repeatedly called for Kukanov’s release, and the Uzbek government’s persistent refusal to free him is an example of its blatant disregard for its international human rights obligations, the groups said. 

“Kukanov has been arbitrarily imprisoned for a startling 24 years simply for his peaceful criticism of the government,” said Steve Swerdlow, Central Asia researcher at Human Rights Watch. “The cruel addition of three more years to his sentence is yet another sign that the ‘new’ Uzbek government, led by interim president Shvakat Mirziyoyev, is continuing the extremely repressive practices of his predecessor, Islam Karimov.”

Mirziyoyev became interim president in September, following the death of Karimov after 27 years in power.

Kukanov, 72, was the vice chairman of Uzbekistan’s parliament following independence, and a successful businessman. He also sat on the executive committee of the peaceful opposition Erk (Freedom) party.

In June 1992, Kukanov took to the floor of parliament to protest Karimov’s announcement of plans to consolidate all security service divisions under his direct command. Kukanov was joined by other members of parliament, including Shovruh Ruzimuradov, a rights activist repeatedly persecuted throughout the 1990s by the Uzbek security services (known by their Russian acronym, SNB). Ruzimuradov died as a result of torture in July 2001, a month after he was arrested.

Security forces arrested Kukanov in June 1992 on charges of economic crimes linked to his alleged financing of Erk. SNB officers held him incommunicado without access to counsel for an entire year in the basement of an SNB facility in Tashkent, during which time they tortured him, before finally bringing him to trial. Kukanov’s relatives told Human Rights Watch that SNB officers arbitrarily detained two of his sons immediately following his arrest and conducted a number of nighttime raids on his home to instill fear in his family. In 1993, he was sentenced to 20 years in prison.

Kukanov is in Zarafshan prison 64/46 in Navoi. His family has been denied the right to visit him for much of the past 24 years. Kukanov’s family had expected his release in May 2013, but then learned that authorities had arbitrarily extended his sentence through October 2016. His sentence will now be extended through 2019. If Kukanov completes his current term and is released, he will have been in prison for 27 years, the longest known case of politically motivated imprisonment in Uzbekistan. His sentence would also exceed the 25-year maximum prison sentence length available under Uzbekistan’s criminal law (Article 50 of Uzbekistan’s Criminal Code).

Human Rights Watch has documented Uzbek officials’ practice of arbitrarily extending the sentences of people imprisoned on political charges. The action is often taken just days before the person is to be released, on bogus grounds such as possessing “unauthorized” nail clippers, saying prayers, or wearing a white shirt, and may result in years of additional imprisonment.

The eight-year sentence of another imprisoned rights defender, Ganihon Mamatkhanov, was due to end on June 4. But days before Mamatkhanov’s release, officials accused him of unspecified “violations of prison rules” and extended his sentence by three years.

On October 25, prison authorities released a human rights defender, Bobomurod Razzakov, on medical grounds one year prior to the end of a four-year sentence. But evidence has emerged that Razzakov was seriously ill treated and denied appropriate medical care in prison.

“Razzakov’s release could not have come a moment too soon for his family and colleagues,” said Vasila Inoyatova, chairwoman of Ezulik human rights society. “But many other journalists, rights defenders, writers, opposition figures, and religious believers are languishing behind bars because of their peaceful activities, and many of them have suffered torture or ill-treatment.”

For Constitution Day on December 8, Uzbek authorities regularly announce early prisoner releases, potentially for thousands of prisoners, nominally entitled “amnesties.” Such early releases generally apply to those convicted of less serious offenses and for specific categories such as teenagers, women, and prisoners over 60. But those imprisoned on politically motivated charges are almost never released. Political prisoners who would otherwise be eligible for release are denied year after year for alleged infractions of internal prison regulations. 

“Many have high hopes that the Uzbek government, led by interim president Shavkat Mirziyoyev, will follow through on an announced prisoner amnesty planned in connection with Constitution Day holiday,” said Nadejda Atayeva, AHRCA. “Mirziyoyev should use the Constitution Day releases as a chance to show he’s serious about reform and order the immediate release of the numerous other peaceful activists who remain in prison on politically motivated charges.”

The Uzbek government should release everyone imprisoned on politically motivated charges, the groups said. They include the human rights activists Azam Farmonov, Mehriniso Hamdamova, Zulhumor Hamdamova, Isroiljon Kholdorov, Gaybullo Jalilov, Nuriddin Jumaniyazov, Matluba Kamilova, Ganikhon Mamatkhanov, Chuyan Mamatkulov, Zafarjon Rahimov, Yuldash Rasulov, Fahriddin Tillaev, and Akzam Turgunov; journalists Solijon Abdurakhmanov, Muhammad Bekjanov, Gayrat Mikhliboev, Yusuf Ruzimuradov, and Dilmurod Saidov; opposition activists Samandar Kukanov, Kudratbek Rasulov, and Rustam Usmanov; and religious figures and other perceived government critics Aramais Avakyan, Ruhiddin Fahriddinov, Nodirbek Yusupov, Dilorom Abdukodirova, Botirbek Eshkuziev, Bahrom Ibragimov, Davron Kabilov, Erkin Musaev, Davron Tojiev, and Ravshanbek Vafoev.

The European Union is scheduled to hold a human rights dialogue with Uzbekistan on November 8, and should urge President Mirziyoyev to uphold Uzbekistan’s international human rights commitments and release all those held on politically motivated charges, the groups said.

The EU-Uzbekistan human rights dialogue will have extremely limited utility without clear benchmarks for Uzbekistan’s progress and consistent pressure from the highest levels of European governments, the groups said.

“The EU should seize the opportunity to re-shape relations with the new Uzbekistani government, making human rights the top priority, said Brigitte Dufour, director of the IPHR. “Considering the appalling human rights situation in Uzbekistan, the EU should consistently engage with the new authorities, using every political and human rights dialogue to stress the core principles of the EU and exert true pressure for reform.”

Uzbekistan: Human rights defender sentenced on politically motivated grounds released from prison

Left to right: Abdurakhman Tashanov, Bobumurad Razzokov and Vasilya Inoyatova
Copyright: Human Rights Society of Uzbekistan “Ezgulik”

Yesterday, 25 October 2016, Uzbekistani human rights defender Bobumurad Razzokov was released on health grounds after spending three years in prison on trumped-up charges. The Association for Human Rights in Central Asia (AHRCA) and International Partnership for Human Rights (IPHR) welcome Bobumurad’s release from prison, although they believe that he should never have been imprisoned in the first place. It is now vital that he is immediately granted adequate medical treatment for his health problems.

Bobumurad is former chairman of the Bukhara oblast branch of the Human Rights Society of Uzbekistan “Ezgulik”.  Prior to his arrest on 10 July 2013, he worked regularly with foreign media and sent complaints about corruption, forced labour and problems faced by local farmers to the Buhari oblast administration (hokimiat), the Prosecutor’s office and the president.  Shortly before his arrest in July 2013 he made a press statement saying he was under pressure from the authorities because of his human rights work. The day after his arrest, officials seized printed materials from his home related to his human rights work.   On 24 September 2013, he was found guilty of human trafficking (Article 135 of the criminal code) and sentenced to four years’ imprisonment following an unfair trial held in violation of international standards. He has consistently denied the charges.  Bobumurad Razzokov was released after serving three years of the four year sentence.

Until yesterday, he was held in prison no. 64/3 in Tavaksai village, Tashkent region. Aged 64, Bobumurad Razzokov worked in the prison brick factory.  A month ago, a former fellow inmate told the AHRCA that Bobumurad had suffered severe depression while in detention and was mistreated regularly by fellow prisoners. The prison administration reportedly forbade other prisoners from communicating with him.  Bobumurad’s relatives have not been allowed to visit him for the last two years and his health reportedly seriously deteriorated in prison.

The imprisonment of Bobumurad Razzokov is part of a pattern of state persecution of human rights defenders and peaceful activists in Uzbekistan.

The AHRCA and IPHR urge the Uzbekistani authorities to:

• Ensure that Bobumurad Razzokov is given a prompt medical examination and provided with the necessary medical treatment for his health problems;

• Immediately and unconditionally release the other human rights defenders, journalists and peaceful activists who are in prison in Uzbekistan following politically motivated, unfair trials including: Nuraddin Dzhumaniyazov; Fakhriddin Tillaev; Azam Farmonov; Isroilzhon Kholarov; Ganikhon Mamatkhanov; Muhammad Bekzhanov; Yusuf Ruzimurodov; Erkin Musaev; Gaibullo Djalilov; Matluba Kamilova; Chuan Mamatkulov; Akzam Turgunov; Solidzhon Abdurakhmanov; Gairat Mikhliboev; Dilmurod Saidov; Samandar Kukanov; Kudratbek Rasulov and Rustam Usmanov.

Tajikistan: Long Prison Terms for Rights Lawyers

Buzurgmehr Yorov.

 

© 2015 RFE/RL

Serious Blow to Independence of Legal Profession

(Bishkek, October 7, 2016) – A court in Tajikistan on October 6, 2016, sentenced two prominent human rights lawyers to long prison terms, Human Rights Watch, the Norwegian Helsinki Committee, and Association for Human Rights in Central Asia said today. The convictions of Buzurgmehr Yorov and Nuriddin Makhkamov following a politically motivated trial, and harsh sentences of 23 years for Makhkamov and 21 for Yorov, strike a blow to freedom of expression and the independence of the legal profession in Tajikistan. The lawyers should be immediately released and authorities should ensure the independence of Tajikistan’s legal profession. Yorov’s and Makhkamov’s sentences are the latest developments in an unprecedented crackdown on dissent in the country, including on the legal profession. Authorities have arrested, imprisoned, and intimidated numerous attorneys since 2014, in retaliation for representing political opponents or their willingness to take on politically sensitive cases. Other prominent human rights lawyers have received death threats and been threatened with trumped up charges.

“With this prosecution, Tajik authorities are attempting to silence two of the most active and independent voices of Tajikistan’s legal profession,” said Steve Swerdlow, Central Asia researcher at Human Rights Watch. “Yorov’s and Makhkamov’s sentences strike directly at the independence of the legal profession in the country.”

A Dushanbe court found Yorov and Makhkamov guilty on criminal charges of fraud, swindling, “arousing national, racial, local or religious hostility,” and extremism following a trial in which the prosecution presented no credible evidence against the defendants. Yorov, formerly head of the Sipar law firm, had a reputation for fearlessness and is known for taking on politically sensitive cases. He was arrested within days of taking on the representation of the now imprisoned leaders of the opposition Islamic Renaissance Party of Tajikistan (IRPT), which was Tajikistan’s most important opposition party. It was banned by the government in September 2015, and later declared a terrorist organization.

On September 29, 2015, officers from the Police Unit for Combating Organized Crime arrested Yorov in circumstances that strongly indicate that the authorities targeted him for representing opposition party members.

At the time of his arrest, Yorov was representing several high-ranking members of the party who had been arrested on September 16. Yorov had also declared his intention to establish a committee for the defense of the arrested party members. The day of his arrest, Yorov gave an interview alleging that police had tortured one of his clients, Umarali Hisaynov (also known as Saidumar Husayni), the party’s first deputy chairman, in pretrial detention. The authorities attempted to pressure Yorov to drop the case. The party members he represented were sentenced in June 2016 to lengthy prison terms, including life in prison, in a closed trial that did not meet fair trial standards.

Authorities initially charged Yorov under articles 247 (swindling) and 340 (fraud) of the criminal code. An Internal Ministry spokesperson said that the alleged fraud occurred in 2010, when Yorov allegedly received US$4,000 from a resident of the city of Istaravshan. In December 2015, authorities added charges of “arousing national, racial, local or religious hostility” (article 189) and extremism (articles 307 and 307.1).

On October 22, 2015, the Police Unit for Combating Organized Crime arrested Makhkamov, a lawyer who also worked for Sipar, after he sought to represent Yorov. Makhkamov was also charged with swindling, incitement, and extremism charges. On November 20, after Makhkamov went on a hunger strike to protest his arbitrary detention, authorities placed him in solitary confinement for three days.

Authorities systematically interfered with Yorov’s and Makhkamov’s right to counsel and severely restricted public access to the trial, including for international observers, diplomatic representatives, and journalists.

“The Tajik government is tightening the screws on lawyers it deems trouble, locking up those who represent the opposition, and even those who represent the ones who represent them,” said Marius Fossum, regional representative at the Norwegian Helsinki Committee. “Each day these lawyers spend behind bars is a disgrace and brings shame on Tajikistan’s judicial system.”

The Tajik government has also taken steps to extend its control over the legal profession, significantly curtailing its independence. In November 2015, authorities approved a new law requiring all lawyers to renew their legal licenses with the Justice Ministry, instead of the independent bar association or licensing body, and to retake the bar examination every five years. Lawyers told Human Rights Watch and the Norwegian Helsinki Committee that the test, administered by the government, is being used to exclude those who take on politically sensitive cases. Prior to the changes, Tajikistan had approximately 2,000 registered lawyers. Following the passage of the new law, fewer than 500 are able to practice law in the country.

The United Nations Basic Principles on the Role of Lawyers state that lawyers “shall not be identified with their clients’ causes as a result of discharging their functions” and that they must be able “to perform all their professional functions without intimidation, hindrance, harassment or improper interference.” Furthermore, lawyers “shall not suffer, or be threatened with, prosecution or administrative, economic or other sanctions for any action taken in accordance with recognized professional duties, standards or ethics.”

The United States, the European Union, and Tajikistan’s international partners should press the Tajik government to immediately release lawyers imprisoned and detained on politically motivated charges and to ensure that all lawyers are able to conduct their work without fear of threats or harassment, including arbitrary arrest or prosecution. International partners also should press Tajikistan to uphold its international obligations to respect freedom of association, assembly, and expression.

“By locking up two human rights lawyers, Dushanbe is sending Tajikistan’s legal community an unambiguous warning to stay away from politically sensitive cases,” said Nadejda Atayeva, president of the Association for Human Rights in Central Asia. “Now more than ever, Tajikistan needs a strong and independent legal profession that can operate free of interference or fear of retribution.”

Central Asia’s civil society at 25 years of independence: Appeal for solidarity

Written statement by International Partnership for Human Rights; Kazakhstan International Bureau for Human Rights and Rule of Law; Nota Bene; Turkmen Initiative for Human Rights; the Association for Human Rights in Central Asia; the Voice of Freedom Foundation; and the Human Rights Movement Bir Duino Kyrgyzstan to the 2016 OSCE Human Dimension Implementation Meeting

This year, it has been 25 years since the Central Asian states gained independence. With the fall of the Soviet Union, these countries embarked on a transition process, with great expectations for what it would bring in terms of democracy, freedom and respect for human rights. However, the transition has proved to be far from as easy as imagined at the time. The current overall trend regarding the protection of fundamental rights in Central Asia is a downward one and while a free and vibrant civil society is a cornerstone of any democracy-aspiring society, the region’s authorities have increasingly tightened the screws on this sector.

The civil society climate is extremely repressive in Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan and there is little hope for immediate improvements in Uzbekistan in the post-Karimov period. While the situation in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan is not quite as bleak, it has recently deteriorated in an alarming way, with national security arguments being exploited by the authorities to stifle free speech, curtail dissent and narrow the space for civil society. The current economic downturn in the region has reinforced this trend as the authorities, fearing more widespread discontent, have become increasingly hostile to criticism.

Yet, even when faced with this challenging reality, Central Asian civil society actors continue their tireless efforts to stand up for justice, dignity and rights and push back against repression. It has been said before, but it bears repeating: now more than ever, the region’s civil society needs the support of the international community. We appeal to all of you to join in on this cause using available means, whether that means re-tweeting this or other civil society appeals, participating in solidarity campaigns, speaking up on the issue at the HDIM or other forums, or intervening directly on behalf of individuals at risk.

***

Below we would like to draw your attention to a number of key concerns regarding the current situation of civil society in the five Central Asian countries:

Kazakhstan

This spring the Kazakhstani authorities resorted to repressive measures to thwart unprecedented wide-scale peaceful protests on land reforms and broader issues, which peaked on 21 May when people gathered in cities across the country to voice discontent. Hundreds of protestors, civil society activists and journalists were detained, and dozens of activists were fined or locked up for up to 15 days for participating or planning to participate in protests.

Several well-known civil society activists have been charged with criminal offenses in apparent retaliation for their participation in the land reform protest movement. Among these are Maks Bokaev and Talgat Ayan who remain in pre-trial detention and Makhambet Abzhan who was recently sentenced to one year’s restricted freedom, during which time he will be subjected to court-imposed restrictions. There has also been a number of other recent cases where activists, social media users and journalists have been charged with criminal offenses because of their civic and professional activities, in particular with the broadly worded offenses of “inciting” national and social discord and “deliberately spreading false information”. Among others, activists Ermek Narymbaev, Serikzhan Mambetalin and Bolatbek Blyalov are subject to court-imposed bans on their civic engagement after being convicted of “inciting discord” earlier this year. Political opposition leader Vladimir Kozlov, who was convicted on “incitement” and other charges in 2012, was finally released on parole in August 2016 after spending more than four years in prison.

New legislation adopted in 2015 provides for increased government oversight of NGO activities and requires NGOs to submit information to a new government database at the threat of fines or suspension of their activities. The NGO International Legal Initiative, which has challenged the new reporting requirement in court and declined to comply with it, was subjected to an unscheduled tax inspection in August 2016. It linked this to its opposition to the new legislation. According to recent Tax Code amendments, all individuals and organizations receiving foreign funding for the provision of legal assistance, public opinion study or information gathering/analysis/dissemination are required to report this information and a public database containing such information will be created. It is not clear how exactly these provisions will be applied, but there are concerns that this will mean yet another reporting obligation for NGOs engaged in the types of activities concerned and that the publication of details specifically on foreign funding may stigmatize and endanger individuals and groups.   

Kyrgyzstan

The May 2016 vote by Kyrgyzstan’s parliament to reject the Russia-inspired “foreign agents” draft law was a victory for civil society, which had been campaigning against this bill since it was introduced in 2014. However, it cannot be ruled out that similar legislation will resurface and the discussion surrounding the draft law has reinforced negative and suspicious attitudes toward NGOs, with long-lasting implications.    

Public figures and media make continue to make discrediting statements about human rights groups and activists, with President Atambaev setting the tone in a speech delivered shortly after the rejection of the “foreign agents” draft law. In this speech, he accused leading human rights defenders Aziza Abdirasulova and Tolekan Ismailova of “working off their foreign grants” in support of a movement bent on toppling the government. He has failed to retract his accusations and a defamation lawsuit filed by the two human rights defenders has been rejected by court – they now plan to file an appeal with the Supreme Court.

Against the background of the current negative public perception of NGOs, human rights groups and defenders have increasingly been subjected to threats, pressure and undue interference into their activities. Those working to defend the rights of minorities are particularly vulnerable to intimidation.[1]

Human rights defender Azimjan Askarov continues to serve a life sentence for his alleged role in the 2010 inter-ethnic violence in southern Kyrgyzstan, although the UN Human Rights Committee called for his immediate release and for quashing his conviction earlier this year. In a much-anticipated decision on Askarov’s case issued in April 2016, the Committee concluded that he had been arbitrarily detained, tortured and denied fair trial rights in violation of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Kyrgyzstan’s Supreme Court subsequently reconsidered Askarov’s case, but failed to comply with the key requests of the Human Rights Committee: instead of cancelling his conviction and releasing him, it sent the case back for re-trial at Chui Regional Court. The re-trial is scheduled to begin in early October 2016.

Tajikistan

Recently tax and other authorities have carried out a growing number of inspections and checks of NGOs with reference to national security concerns. For example, NGOs have been subjected to excessive scrutiny when seeking to re-register with the authorities, which they are required to do e.g. when changing their legal address, and they have only been granted re-registration with consent by security services. Several NGOs have been warned, fined and/or issued with lawsuits because of their alleged failure to comply with registration and other technical requirements.

New legislation that entered into force in August 2015 introduced a new scheme requiring NGOs to report information about foreign and international grants for inclusion in a special government registry. Implementing regulations that were finally adopted this spring set out broad powers for the Ministry of Justice with respect to processing reported information and concerns remain that implementation of this legislation may result in undue interference into the work of NGOs. This has yet to be seen as NGOs have now only started reporting information about grants, using a government-approved reporting form. 

Several prominent lawyers have been charged with criminal offenses in what appears to be retaliation for their professional activities. Among these are lawyers who have provided legal assistance to arrested members of the Islamic Renaissance Party of Tajikistan (IRPT), including Buzurgmehr Yorov and Nuriddin Mahkamov (who were arrested last autumn and whose trial on extremism and other charges began in May 2016) and Dzhamshed Yorov (who was arrested on charges of disclosing state secrets in August 2016). At the beginning of September 2016, it was announced that Shukhrat Kudratov, another lawyer working on high-profile cases who was imprisoned in 2015, is due to be released under a general amnesty proclaimed in connection with the 25 years’ anniversary of Tajikistan’s independence.

Turkmenistan

In its new Human Rights Action Plan for 2016-2020, Turkmenistan’s government has undertaken to promote “favourable” conditions for the registration, development and operation of NGOs. In order to deliver on this commitment, the government must take meaningful measures to enable independent NGOs working on human rights related issues to acquire registration and work without hindrance in the country. Currently there is no space for such organizations to operate and the government focuses on promoting the work of GONGOs.

Turkmenistani civil society activists, journalists contributing to foreign media and dissident voices continue to be subjected to intimidation and harassment – both in- and outside the country. Freelance journalist Saparmamed Nepeskuliev was imprisoned on spurious charges of possessing narcotics in August 2015 and remains behind bars, in spite of calls for his release by among others the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention. Former independent journalist Chary Annamuradov was arrested in Belarus in July 2016 on a Turkmenistani arrest warrant, which was issued after he fled his native country 16 years ago and was granted refugee status. Thanks to active interventions on his behalf by the EU and other international actors, Annamuradov was eventually released in mid-September 2016 and could return to Sweden, where he resides with his family. If he had been extradited to Turkmenistan, he would have been at serious risk of an unfair trial, torture and imprisonment in life-threatening conditions. Dozens of individuals imprisoned on politically motivated grounds in Turkmenistan have disappeared in prison.

Several Moscow-based Turkmenistani dissidents have recently reported being subjected to attacks and Austria-based TIHR Chairman Farid Tuhbatullin has faced renewed intimidation in relation to his work. 

Uzbekistan

The sudden death of long-term dictator Islam Karimov in Uzbekistan has potentially created a window of opportunity for human rights change. However, the system left in place by Karimov is an extremely repressive one and reforming it will require huge effort and political determination to break with the legacy of his rule. It is imperative that Uzbekistan’s international partners makes systematic human rights reform a key priority in their relations with the post-Karimov leadership.    

Currently most of so-called civil society in Uzbekistan is made up of GONGOs, while the few independent NGOs working to promote human rights are marginalized and harassed. It is virtually impossible for such NGOs to obtain legal status and a wide range of government regulations and requirements hamper the implementation of NGO activities. 

There is a well-established pattern of persecution of human rights activists, independent journalists and government critics, who are subjected to surveillance, phone tapping, travel restrictions, questioning, arbitrary arrests and prosecution in retaliation for their work. Numerous activists, journalists and dissidents remain imprisoned on trumped-up charges. Torture and ill-treatment are rampant in prison and the sentences of those convicted on politically motivated charges are often extended when nearing an end because of alleged violations of prison rules.

Among those currently imprisoned are human rights defenders Ganihon Mamathanov, Nuraddin Dzhumaniyazov, Fakhriddin Tillaev and Azam Farmonov, former UN employee Erkin Musaev and Muhammad Bekzhanov, one of the world’s longest imprisoned journalists who is due to be released this autumn after serving 17 years in prison. There are serious concerns about the health and well-being of these individuals and the sentences of some of them have been arbitrarily prolonged. 

Human rights activists monitoring forced labour are at particular risk of harassment. One of these activists, Uktam Pardaev was given a three-year suspended sentence in January 2016. If he is considered to violate the conditions of his probation, he may be imprisoned. Another activist and journalist monitoring forced labour, Dmitry Tikhonov was forced to flee Uzbekistan earlier this year due to persecution.

Human rights defenders who have fled Uzbekistan also face intimidation and pressure because of their engagement on behalf of victims of human rights violations in their native country.

Recommendations

On the basis of the issues described above, we could like to make the following recommendations:

The authorities of Kazakhstan should:

• Reverse the pattern of repression in response to peaceful protests and, as a matter of priority, reform legislation and law enforcement practice on the conduct of assemblies to bring them into line with international human rights standards.

• Stop prosecuting civil society activists, social media users and journalists in relation for their civic and professional activities; drop all charges against those prosecuted or convicted on such grounds; and revoke or revise the broadly worded Criminal Code provisions on “inciting” national, social and other discord and “deliberately spreading false information.”

• Ensure that implementation of the new NGO legislation from last year and the recent Tax Code amendments requiring individuals and organizations to report on foreign funding are not implemented in violation of the right to freedom of association and other internationally protected rights.

The authorities of Kyrgyzstan should:

• Closely consult with civil society on any new legislative initiatives affecting NGOs and ensure that such legislation is fully consistent with Kyrgyzstan’s national and international human rights obligations.

• Refrain from using rhetoric that stigmatizes and discredits NGOs and activists, in particular by suggesting that their actions are threatening national security. Instead, publicly acknowledge the importance of their work, and ensure that they can carry out their work without hindrance. 

• Fully implement the decision of the UN Human Rights Committee in the case of Azimjan Askarov, including by releasing him, quashing his conviction and granting him adequate compensation.

The authorities of Tajikistan should:

• Refrain from undue interference into the work of NGOs and ensure that NGOs can operate without intimidation and hindrance.

• Ensure that the recent legislation requiring NGOs to report foreign grants is not implemented in violation of the right to freedom of association as protected by international standards.

• Ensure that no lawyer is arrested, charged or imprisoned in retaliation for his or her work; promptly release those held on such grounds.

The authorities of Turkmenistan should:

• Take meaningful steps to deliver on the commitment to ensure “favourable” conditions for NGOs and enable independent NGOs to obtain legal status in a fair and transparent process and to carry out their activities without undue interference.

• Put an end to the persecution of independent journalists, civil society activists and others who criticize government policies, including exiled activists and their family members.

• Immediately release all individuals imprisoned on politically motivated grounds, disclose the faith of those who have disappeared in prison, and allow representatives of the international community to visit prisons, as agreed by Turkmenistan’s president and the German chancellor during their recent meeting in Berlin. 

The authorities of Uzbekistan should:

• Set out on a systematic program of human rights reform and cooperate with international human rights bodies and experts. This should include issuing a standing invitation to the Special Procedures of the UN Human Rights Council, and facilitating country visits in particular by the Special Rapporteurs on human rights defenders and torture.

• Allow independent NGOs to obtain legal status and to work without interference and invite them to take part in the elaboration and implementation of a new national human rights agenda.

• Put an end to persecution of human rights defenders, journalists and dissident voices; and immediately and unconditionally release all those who have been detained solely for peacefully exercising their rights to freedom of expression, association and assembly.

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[1] For more information, see report on the situation concerning the right to freedom of association in Kyrgyzstan prepared by Bir Duino-Kyrgyzstan for the 2016 Human Dimension Implementation Meeting.

Putin expresses condolences after death of Uzbek President Karimov

Russian President Vladimir Putin has expressed his condolences following the death of Uzbekistan President Islam Karimov.

Karimov died after being hospitalised several days ago. 

“His [Karimov’s] passing away means a heavy loss for the entire people of Uzbekistan, for the Commonwealth of Independent States and for the partner nations of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization,” Putin said in a telegram of condolences. 

“Islam Abduganiyevich [Karimov] was a highly authoritative statesman and a true leader of his country. His name is linked to the milestone events in the history of contemporary Uzbekistani state.”

The Russian delegation at Karimov’s funeral will be headed by Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev on Putin’s orders, reported the RIA Novosti news agency. 

Karimov remained the Uzbek president for 26 years. He died after being hospitalised several days ago. 

There will be no change of the regime in Uzbekistan after the death of their president, and whoever is next to lead the country will follow the same path, according to an Uzbek opposition blogger. 

Nadejda Atayeva, who is the head of the Association for Human Rights in Central Asia, said the most likely successors to President Islam Karimov are two high ranking officials, Shavkat Merzyaev and Rustam Azimov. 

The blogger also spoke about the absence of any real opposition in Uzbekistan, as well as lack of freedoms and violation of human rights.

euronews (in English)

Kyrgyzstan: 10 houses damaged by fire

On 7 August 2016 a fire damaged 10 houses, private buildings on Shamshad Street in the Kara-Suu District of the Osh Region of Kyrgyzstan. The fire started around 20:30, within two hours three houses burnt down completely, the other suffered a partial damage. The total area damaged by the fire was 900 square meters.

According to residents, the fire started because of faulty wiring. Mainly ethnic Uzbeks live in the Shamshad Street. During the tragic events of June 2010, their homes were destroyed, along with the gas pipeline network. Since then the gas supply was not restored due to the high cost of the relevant works, and most residents have been using electrical stoves.

Firefighters arrived only after 40 minutes, explaining their late response by the fact that the residents

phoned the fire department servicing a different district. Only after the residents themselves came to the fire station and tearfully begged the firefighters to help them, the firefighters left for the residential area where the accident happened.

Three people suffered burns of varying degrees; two children were taken to the hospital. Residents of Shamshad Street M. Rakhmanberdiev, A. Alimov, K. Iminov and a resident of the Navoi Street S. Dadazhanova are especially in need of help. All the victims are ethnic Uzbeks.

Association for Human Rights in Central Asia - AHRCA calls on the Kyrgyz government to investigate thoroughly the cause of the fire, and earnestly requests to provide humanitarian assistance to the victims.

We call on Turkey to stop the extradition of Abdurashid Khamidov - a citizen of Tajikistan

Turkey scheduled the extradition of a citizen of Tajikistan Abdurashid Khamidov a member of the "Group 24" for 5 August 2016. We appeal urgently to cancel his deportation to Tajikistan, where torture is systemically practiced.

Abdurashid Khamidov (date of birth: 15.12.1989), a citizen of Tajikistan. He is a member of an opposition political movement Group-24.

Mr Khamidov is persecuted by the country of origin for his opposition activities as a member of the Group-24. In 2014 Tajikistan proclaimed the group as an "extremist organisation" for the criticism spoken out by its activists. In 2015, Mr Khamidov applied for international protection at the UNHCR office in Ankara.

He has been under the arrest since 15 April 2016. Documents for his deportation to Tajikistan on 5 August have been processed.

Abdurashid Khamidov was a confidant of the leader of Group-24, Umarali Kuvatov, who was shot dead on 5 March 2015 in Istanbul. On 19 December 2014, Mr Khamidov was arrested together with Mr Kuvatov. We wrote about it in detail in our press release «Turkey: the leader of «Goup 24» Umarali Kuvatov is detained» dated 20 December 2014.

Tajikistan is persecuting Mr. Khamidov for political reasons.

Association for Human Rights in Central Asia calls on Turkey to stop the extradition of Abdurashid Khamidov, because it would violate the UN Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, which prohibits torture under any circumstances. Namely - Article 3 of the Convention, which states: "No State Party shall expel, return or extradite a person to another State where there are substantial grounds for believing that he would be in danger of being subjected to torture."

Association for Human Rights in Central Asia reported about Abdurashid Khamidov’s case to the UN Special Rapporteur on Torture, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, the OSCE, the Amnesty International, the HRW, the Norwegian Helsinki Committee - NHC, the International Partnership for Human Rights - IPHR and the media.