25.7.20

Death of human rights defender Azimjan Askarov - political assassination

Azimjan Askarov (photo from archives DW.COM)

Azimjan Askarov died in prison because of years of ill-treatment and limited access to adequate medical care.

The Association of Human Rights in Central Asia believes that Askarov was the victim of a premeditated murder - the authorities were aware of the threat to his health, but ignored requests for medical assistance, which led to his death.

Numerous facts indicate that criminal offences have been committed against human rights defender Askarov under the following articles of the Kyrgyz Criminal Code:

— 150 "Leaving in danger":
"... knowingly leaving a person who is in a life-threatening or health-threatening condition without the help and this person is deprived of the opportunity to take measures for self-preservation due to the <…> illness or helplessness, in cases when the perpetrator himself put him in a life-threatening condition, while having the obligation to provide necessary care <…>";

— 151 "Failure to provide help":
"... failure to assist a person who is in a life-threatening or health-threatening condition and is unable to take measures for self-preservation because of <…> an illness <…>".

Taking into consideration the fact that the Kyrgyz Republic has for a decade ignored all the appeals and recommendations of international human rights bodies, including the UN Human Rights Committee, which recognized Askarov as a victim of human rights violations, we call for Azimjan Askarov to be declared the victim of the political reprisal that led to his death.

The Association of Human Rights in Central Asia believes that the President of Kyrgyzstan, Sooronbai Jeenbekov, being the guarantor of the rights and freedoms enshrined in the Constitution, in the current situation has shown lack of principles, becoming an accomplice to a political murder.

We call on the countries of the democratic community to put Sooronbai Jeenbekov, as well as all officials involved in the torture and political murder of human rights defender Azimjan Askarov, on the "banned persons list" of human rights violators.

We express our condolences to all the relatives and colleagues of human rights defender Azimjan Askarov.

HE WILL BE REMEMBERED AND MISSED.

Team of the Association for Human Rights in Central Asia





12.6.20

Kyrgyzstan: Drop charges against human rights defender

Kamil Ruziev, human rights defender in Kyrgyzstan.
Photo: Private
In Kyrgyzstan, human rights defender Kamil Ruziev is facing forgery charges that appear to have been brought in retaliation for his human rights work, in particular his efforts to hold security service officials accountable for torture and threats against his person. The Kyrgyzstani authorities should immediately drop the charges against Ruziev, protect him against persecution and investigate the complaints he has filed about human rights violations, the Association for Human Rights in Central Asia (AHRCA), Civil Rights Defenders (CRD), International Partnership for Human Rights (IPHR), the Norwegian Helsinki Committee (NHC) and School of Law (SL) said today.
  
Fifty-seven-year-old Kamil Ruziev heads the public foundation “Ventus” and is well-known for defending the rights of victims of torture, domestic violence, and discrimination on the grounds of nationality. He has repeatedly filed complaints against security service officials and police officers in cases involving allegations of torture and other human rights violations. Recently he has also sought to ensure accountability for a high-ranking security service official who has repeatedly threatened to kill him because of his work (see more below).
  
On May 29, officers from Kyrgyzstan’s security service detained Ruziev in the city of Karakol in eastern Kyrgyzstan. Following his detention, Ruziev was informed that he is being investigated on charges of forgery under article 359, part 2 of the Criminal Code – an article that carries a punishment of maximum seven years’ imprisonment. To back up these charges, the security services’ press service published video materials showing three individuals, whom Ruziev has previously represented or assisted, accusing him of fraud. However, the human rights groups issuing this statement have received information indicating that the individuals were coerced into making these accusations against Ruziev. On May 31, Karakol City Court sanctioned the charges against the defender and he was transferred to house arrest pending the trial in his case.
“The circumstances of this case lead us to conclude that the criminal charges against Ruziev are aimed at punishing him for his human rights and anti-torture work. We call on the Kyrgyzstani authorities to immediately release him and drop the charges. Ruziyev’s case clearly shows how vulnerable a human rights defender is in Kyrgyzstan and how the GKNB, in violation of constitutional principles, coordinates attacks on critics of the regime”, said Leila Nazgul Seiitbek, Kyrgyzstan Representative at AHRCA.
During the two days Ruziev spent in the security services’ detention center in the Issyk-Kul region, interrogators subjected him to severe pressure, including threats and intimidation, in an attempt to make him incriminate himself. Ruziev told the AHRCA that authorities furthermore interfered with his right to legal counsel and that he was denied access to necessary prescription drugs. Following his transfer to house arrest, Ruziev was hospitalized due to stress, underlying health problems and a hunger strike he launched on the day of his detention. On June 8, three security service officials entered the hospital ward where Ruziev was being treated and attempted to interrogate him – with no legal counsel present.

Seeking justice for torture victims, Ruziev has filed a number of complaints against security service officials and police officers, in particular a former high-ranking officer who allegedly has committed torture, ill-treatment and other degrading treatment on several occasions. The officer in question responded with death threats. Last year, on June 10 and 12, and then on November 4, this officer leveled a firearm at Ruziev’s head and threatened to kill him in a bid to make Ruziev end his efforts to ensure accountability for the reported human rights violations.

Following the death threats, Ruziev filed a complaint against the former high-ranking officer to the administration of the security services. Because of the failure of the security services to react to his complaint, Ruziev filed a lawsuit against the security services in February 2020. The next month, on March 11, as Ruziev later learned, the security services opened a criminal case of forgery against him, leading to the May 29 detention of the human rights defender.

The persecution of Ruziev fits into a pattern where authorities in Kyrgyzstan retaliate against journalists and human rights defenders for seeking justice and shedding light on human rights violations. It is also part of a worrying trend, in Kyrgyzstan and elsewhere, where human rights defenders face increasingly larger risks while carrying out their work. Recognizing the increased pressure on human rights defenders around the world, the United Nations Human Rights Committee last autumn adopted by consensus a resolution on strengthening the protection of human rights defenders urging states to “investigate in a prompt, effective, independent and accountable manner, complaints and allegations regarding threats or human rights violations perpetrated against human rights defenders”.
“Instead of retaliating against our colleague for seeking justice, the Kyrgyzstani authorities  should guarantee his safety and initiate credible and swift investigations into his allegations of the intimidation and other human rights violations perpetrated by security services and police”, said Gunnar Ekeløve-Slydal, acting Secretary General and Head of Policy at the NHC.
The groups issuing this statement are also concerned that the security service is in charge of the pre-trial investigation in Ruziev’s case. Given the complaints the defender has filed against the service, there are serious doubts about its impartiality in this case. In addition, according to article 153 part 1 of Kyrgyzstan’s Criminal Procedure Code, crimes of forgery fall under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, not under that of the security services.





22.5.20

A missed opportunity : France's return of Gulnara Karimova's illegally acquired assets:



The NGO’s Transparency International France (TI-F), Sherpa, the Association for Human Rights in Central Asia (AHRCA), the International Partnership for Human Rights (IPHR), the International StateCrime Initiative (ISCI), the Uzbek-German Forum for Human Rights (UGF) and Civil Forum on Asset Recover are highly concerned over the opacity of French-Uzbek negotiations in the return of Gulnara Karimova’s illicit assets to Uzbekistan. This also includes concerns over the French modality for overseeing the asset restitution to Uzbekistan; as well as the lack of transparency in the disbursement and monitoring of returned funds by Uzbekistan.

On Thursday 14 May 2020, the Uzbek authorities announced that they had received US$10 million from France in the return of "illegally acquired" assets of Gulnara Karimova, daughter of the former President of Uzbekistan. The announcement follows a 9 July 2019 decision by the French court to approve the confiscation of property acquired by Gulnara Karimova, through money derived from corruption and ordered its return, as compensation, to the Republic of Uzbekistan, who had filed a civil suit. Karimova – currently serving a prison term in Uzbekistan – is accused of soliciting bribe payments from three telecommunications companies with approximately a billion USD’s under investigation.

This first asset restitution by France to a receiving country could have been an opportunity to establish a transparent and accountable mechanism and ensure that the returned assets would ultimately benefit the Uzbek population. This unfortunately did not take place.

The confiscation of Gulnara Karimova's three properties in France was decided in the context of the French criminal procedure of the comparution sur reconnaissance préalable de culpabilité (CRPC), a French equivalent of a "guilty plea". A trial in open court was replaced by a closed-door negotiation between the French judicial authorities, the legal representative of the three civil real estate companies that had acquired real estate properties on behalf of G. Karimova, and the Uzbek state. The acceleration of the restitution of Gulnara Karimova's assets was thus achieved at the expense of transparency and accountability. The NGO Sherpa, a civil party in the Karimova case since 2014, was unable to be present at the CRPC's approval hearing, as the NGO was temporarily refused the renewal of its legal accreditation, a prerequisite for anti-corruption associations to bring a civil action in cases of corruption.

Marc-André Feffer, President of TI-F states, "the lack of transparency inherent in this restitution is damaging and paradoxical. It is damaging because there is currently no guarantee that this money will actually be used to benefit the looted populations. Paradoxical, because TI-F is currently lobbying the French government for the establishment of a responsible system for the restitution of ill-gotten property. Such a system must be transparent, accountable and involve French and local independent NGOs to ensure that the funds returned are allocated to projects that benefit the population".

This episode contrasts with France's recent momentum in the area of asset restitution and is a missed opportunity for the French authorities to set an example in the fight against global corruption and money laundering.

The "ill-gotten gains "cases have demonstrated the importance in the role of NGOs, particularly as initiators of legal proceedings such as bring civil action cases when the French public prosecutor's office has been inactive; and which also guarantees the transparency and smooth running of the proceedings. The role of NGOs and independent civil society is also essential when considering the restitution of assets in countries that do not necessarily offer guarantees of exemplary behaviour", says Franceline Lepany, President of the NGO Sherpa.

Despite the recent change in power, Uzbekistan remains ranked 153rd out of 180 countries in Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index. Uzbek and French civil society organisations therefore insist on the importance of guarantees of transparency, accountability and integrity in the return of funds to ensure that they do not fall back into the channels of corruption.

Today, it is clear that such minimum guarantees are not in place. The CRPC negotiations in 2019 covered several tens of millions of euros, a minor part of the approximately 1.3 billion dollars that Gulnara Karimova is suspected of having acquired illegally and invested abroad. Despite the size of the sums involved, and the suspicions that several senior Uzbek officials were involved in the disputed corruption schemes, France has not provided any information regarding the restitution process, while the Uzbek authorities have merely indicated that the 10 million dollars returned would be "transferred to the Uzbek state budget.

According to Nadejda Atayeva, President of the Association for Human Rights in Central Asia, "In the absence of transparency and accountability, there is a severe concern that returned assets could be at risk of misappropriation and re-laundering. Such modalities for return would set a dangerous precedent in the return of corrupt assets to authoritarian regimes, not only by France but also by other neighbouring European countries. This is despite warnings by several Uzbek and international NGO’s and leading academics voicing concerns over the lack of credible governance reform in Uzbekistan and its potential impact on responsible asset return, with particular questions raised regarding high-ranking officials and members of the Uzbek President’s family".

Switzerland, which has confiscated several hundred million Swiss Francs from Gulnara Karimova’s associates, has at least provided minimum transparency a press release announcing the restitution of confiscated funds. The current French response sets a worrying precedent.





1.3.20

Uzbekistan: another suicide of a prisoner - in prison KIN-2


An independent investigation on the cause of death of the prisoner Khazhiakbar Ishanhodzhaev must be launched immediately and the perpetrators must be held accountable.

Sergey Ignatyev 
In early January 2020, prisoner Khozhiakbar Shukhratovich ISHANHODZHAYEV (born 1993) died in a penitentiary institution KIN-2, located in the Shaykh Ali village of Karshi in the Kashkadarya region.

The cause of death is multiple burns to the body.  First, efforts to save Ishankhodjaev were made in the city hospital in Karshi, then he was transported by train to the prison hospital - to the “Sangorod”, where he died in torment.

As it became known, on December 30, 2019, Khozhiakbar Ishankhodjaev was in a hut, where he performed the duties of the so-called “capter,” that is, responsible for economic activity.  When all the other prisoners were at breakfast, he doused himself with a solvent and set himself on fire.

Such a desperate step was prompted by prolonged bullying and discrimination by the deputy head of the colony, Akmal Ochilov. Regarding these circumstances Ishanhodzhayev repeatedly told his relatives - Ochilov was engaged in extortion and constantly mocked him, humiliating his human dignity.

The day before, the Ochilov called Ishankhodjaev to his office and demanded that two mobile telephones submitted by the prisoners before the shift be handed over.  For failure to comply with the order, Ochilov threatened to place Ishankhodzhaev in a specially designated place in the barracks for the “offended” - the so-called prisoners under article 120 (“Sodomy”) and those who were subjected to acts of sexual abuse, which was probably the last step of the prisoner to self-immolation.

Departmental officials are not interested in publicizing the death of Ishankhodzhaev, especially on the eve of the 128th session of the UN Human Rights Committee, which will consider the report of the Government of Uzbekistan on the implementation of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.

The real reasons behind Khozhiakbar Ishanhodzhaev's imprisonment are still to be investigated.  So far, it is only known that on May 28, 2015, Khozhiakbar Ishanhodzhaev was sentenced to 16 years in prison under article 119 part 4 (“Forcible satisfaction of sexual needs in an unnatural form”) of the Criminal Code of Uzbekistan.  And it is also known from the prisoners of the colony where Ishanhodzhayev died that he was imprisoned on charges based on a false denunciation of a former female living partner - in retaliation for failed marriage plans.

Investigations into deaths of prisoners are almost always conducted formally.  The absence of transparent monitoring of prison conditions and lack of operational legal mechanisms for protection against torture lead to suicide, and those responsible for this remain unpunished.

Association for Human Rights in Central Asia - AHRCA expresses concern about the ongoing torture and ill-treatment of prisoners in Uzbekistan.






20.1.20

Condolence message


Members of the Association for Human Rights in Central Asia express their condolences to our colleague, Leila Nazgul Seiitbek, on this sad occasion of death of her mother, Onol Bekturova, who passed away due to illness on 19 January 2020 (in Austria).

Please accept our deepest empathy.

We cherish the memory of Onol Bekturova.

19.12.19

In Uzbekistan, Could Unfair Elections Jeopardize Human Rights Advances?


On Sunday, highly anticipated legislative elections will take place in Uzbekistan. In a brief published ahead of the 22 December elections, the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), the International Partnership for Human Rights (IPHR), and the Association for Human Rights in Central Asia (AHRCA) express serious concern regarding the outlook for human rights in Uzbekistan, in light of concerns about whether the elections will be free and fair.

Since Shavkat Mirziyoyev came to power in 2016, Uzbekistan has seen the introduction of over 2,000 new laws and executive decrees as part of reforms aimed at promoting the independence of the judiciary and improving respect for human rights. In addition, human rights defenders, journalists and other political prisoners have been released from prison, where they were serving long prison sentences after being convicted on politically motivated grounds in unfair trials.

Nonetheless, the current context of state obstruction of the work of independent civil society, as well as persecution and harassment of journalists and critics of the authorities renders the conduct of free and fair elections unlikely. The Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR), which opened an electoral observation mission in Uzbekistan on 25 November  2019, in particular recalled that no opposition party had been allowed to run in the elections for many years.

In this brief, FIDH, IPHR, and AHRCA outline their concerns about several human rights issues that are at stake with Sunday's elections.
*     *     *

The Association for Human Rights in Central Asia(AHRCA), the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) and the InternationalPartnership for Human Rights (IPHR) wish to draw attention to some of the human rights issues of primary concern in Uzbekistan.

Since President Mirziyoyev came to power in 2016, over 2,000 new legislative acts have been adopted, and executive decrees passed, aimed at increasing the independence of the judiciary and improving respect for human rights. However, we are concerned that these rule of law principles, which should accompany any economic liberalization, are not implemented in practice.

1. Concerns about ongoing violations in the criminal justice system

1.1  Ongoing concerns about torture and ill-treatment

We were dismayed in September this year to read the replies from the Uzbekistani government to the UN Committee against Torture list of issues. The state’s point-blank refutations of credible and carefully gathered reports of torture and ill-treatment indicate a lack of serious intent by President Mirziyoyev’s government to take steps to improve the country’s abysmal record on one of the most egregious human rights violations.

We are highly concerned about these credible reports indicating that torture and ill-treatment persist in Uzbekistan despite the stated reform programme to address the issue.

1.2  Impunity for perpetrators of torture

Allegations of torture are not considered in a timely manner, meaning that physical evidence can be lost (as marks of torture fade) and perpetrators escape justice.

Pressure continues on defence lawyers and victims of torture who attempt to complain about violations of their human rights. Representatives of law enforcement agencies force victims and lawyers to sign non-disclosure agreements, threatening them with criminal prosecution if they do not agree.

We are aware that officials at various levels are now being brought to justice, but the investigative measures used fall short of international human rights standards. The trials are held behind closed doors, with no independent observers present. We have monitored several cases of former officials where there were serious fair trial violations as well as the use of torture and punitive psychiatric treatment.

1.3 Lack of rehabilitation and redress for victims of torture imprisoned on politically motivated grounds

Although, in a positive development, the number of acquittals has increased we stress that the criminal convictions of persons who were sentenced on politically motivated grounds are not being reviewed. It is also worth noting that there is not one single case in Uzbekistan where compensation was paid to victims of torture.

For example, human rights activist Agzam Turgunov was refused the right to appeal the sentences against him, (and for which he served 10 years in prison). Former parliamentary deputy Samandar Kokanov, who served 24 years in prison, has also been denied the right to appeal.  There are many other such cases.

The Uzbekistani authorities continue to refute all allegations of torture, and to block access to justice and redress for those who suffered torture in the past. At the hearing by the UN Committee against Torture in Geneva in November, the Uzbekistani delegation claimed that as no evidence of torture had been found in the cases of Agzam Turgunov and other political prisoners they were therefore did not qualify for review. Former prisoners imprisoned on politically motivated grounds who attempt to seek justice face obstacles such as being unable to obtain copies of the court verdicts against them.  This is the case, for instance for Erkin Musaev.

At the 68th session of the UN Committee on Torture, head of the  Uzbekistani delegation, Akmal Saidov stated that under former President Karimov there was a “blacklist” of citizens who were persecuted on religious grounds (wearing a hijab, a beard and praying five times a day) and that under President Mirziyoyev about 20,000 such people had been released from prison. Representatives of opposition parties, human rights organizations, and journalists were blacklisted.

Citizens have been prosecuted under the following articles of the Criminal Code of Uzbekistan used to punish them for their outspoken criticism of the authorities, for speaking publicly about human rights violations affecting them or their relatives,  or for publicly exercising their right to religious belief: 
— 158-3 (“Public insult or defamation of the President, using the press or other media ”),
— 159 (“Violations of the constitutional system of the Republic of Uzbekistan”),
— 216 (“Illegal organization of public associations or religious organizations”),
— 216-1 ("Inclination to participate in the activities of illegal public associations and religious organizations"),
— 216-2 (“Violation of the law on religious organizations”),
— 244-1 (“Production or distribution of materials containing a threat to public safety and public order”)
— and 244-2 (“Creation, leadership, participation in religious
extremist, separatist, fundamentalist or other prohibited organizations ").

Large scale fabrications of charges have occurred under these articles, and therefore a Commission to review criminal cases under these articles of the Criminal Code must be set up as a priority, which should include independent observers.


2. Prison conditions

We have received recent, credible reports of torture and conditions of slave labour from prisons in the country, and there is very little transparent and publicly available information on prisoner numbers.

Although in August 2019 the Uzbekistani authorities announced that Jaslyk prison is to be closed as a high security facility, we are concerned at reports that it will be used as a pre-trial detention centre which gives serious cause for concern that pre-trial guarantees will be respected in practice.

We receive ongoing and credible reports about slave labour in prisons as well as poor and insufficient health care. We hear that elderly persons, disabled people and people suffering from AIDS and other serious illnesses have inadequate medical care. The poor healthcare afforded to prisoners leads to a high rate of deaths in custody, but neither statistics nor the results of any official investigations into these cases are made publicly available.

One of the most serious obstacles preventing improvements to prison conditions is the lack of access to places of detention for independent monitors, meaning that there is a lack of civil oversight.

Human rights defender Agzam Turgunov tried to get permission to visit prisons alongside the Ombudsman, but his requests were rejected. (An official answer to one such request stated that his request was denied because his organization is not registered). He was also recently denied permission to meet the representative of the Prosecutor’s Office responsible for investigating cases of torture and slave labour in prisons. Human rights activist Tatyana Davlatova has also come up against similar obstacles.

3. Need to accept independent human rights movement and activists as constructive partners, not perceive them as political threats

Difficulties of registration for independent human rights organisations

It remains extremely difficult to register an independent human rights organisation in Uzbekistan. Surveillance, threats and administrative charges continue to be brought against independent human rights defenders in reprisal for their work. Over the past twenty years, Agzam Turgunov has tried to register his organization four times in 2019.

Reasons given by the state authorities for refusing to register the organization include:
— that the application documents were not stitched with thread, (although in fact they were stitched and had been certified by a notary);
— a newly introduced requirement on the need for 10 founding members instead of three;
— the absence of a line in the Charter stipulating that the organisation has the right to carry out its activities throughout the country.

Agzam Turgunov is currently awaiting a fourth decision from the Ministry of Justice on his application for registration. In case of refusal, he intends to file a court complaint.

4. Amendments to the Criminal Code

The Uzbekistani authorities are currently preparing an update of the criminal code. In relation to this process, we call on the Uzbekistani authorities to:

a) Decriminalise consensual sexual relations between men (Article 120 of the Criminal Code which currently punishes this act with from three to five years’ imprisonment).

b) Amend Article 235 (which criminalizes torture). The article currently gives an explanation that “illegal psychological or physical pressure” is a crime, implying that in some cases torture could be legal. International experts at the UN Committee on Torture considered this wording to be unacceptable, as it gives rise to judgments on the legality of torture in some circumstances, whereas, under international law, torture is always illegal. All states parties to the Convention against Torture are required to ensure absolute protection against torture. Uzbekistan should also be urged to amend Article 235 to state that crimes of torture should not have a statute of limitations.

5. LGBTI Persons at Risk of Torture, Sexual Abuse and Extortion

We have received recent, credible reports that in detention facilities and prisons, gay and bisexual men are often subjected to humiliating sexual abuse and cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment by police officers, prison guards and fellow inmates. 

Police also use threats of imprisonment under Article 120 and of disclosing the person’s sexual orientation in order to intimidate and blackmail gay LGBTI persons, and to physically or sexually abuse them. We have documented such threats in relation to heterosexual men as well. In several recent cases police have forced men to “confess” to serious crimes such as “terrorism” to avoid being charged under Article 120.

LGBTI persons are also at risk of abuse and extortion by non-state actors. There are reports of entrapment of LGBTI persons on social media, with victims being sexually abused by homophobic men and filmed before being blackmailed. 

Exiled LGBTI activists from Uzbekistan told us that several gay men were killed or severely injured after homophobic activists issued calls on internet messaging services and disseminated their personal details (photos/ addresses etc.).  To our knowledge the authorities have failed to take action to investigate the crimes effectively and bring the perpetrators to justice.

In the large majority of cases victims, fearing reprisals, do not lodge complaints.  We also learned of cases where LGBTI people could not cope with the intimidation and abuse and committed suicide. Furthermore, groups defending LGBTI rights cannot work safely in the country.



13.12.19

Tajikistan: Cease retaliation against activist’s family members


Authorities in Tajikistan routinely retaliate against family members of peaceful abroad-based activists, the Association for Human Rights in Central Asia and the Norwegian Helsinki Committee said in a statement today. Since late November and onwards, authorities have harassed, threatened and interrogated family members of Fatkhuddin Saidmukhidinov, a Tajik opposition activist based in Europe, the groups said.

Fatkhuddin Saidmukhidinov told the Norwegian Helsinki Committee that, starting on November 26, the government agency to fight organized crime and the Tajik security forces have subjected his 77-year-old father Minozh Saidmukhidinov, and his brothers to repeated interrogations, both in the Kabadiyanskoy region, where the family lives, and in Dushanbe, the country’s capital to where they have been summoned by the security forces.

During the interrogations the police claimed that Saidmukhidinov and his 23-year-old daughter, with whom he lives in Europe, are terrorists, traitors and enemies of the people. The interrogators showed them a picture allegedly showing Saidmukhudinov stepping on a portrait of Tajikistan’s president Emomali Rahmon and told his family members that he would need to return to Tajikistan to answer for this crime. The interrogators then threatened Saidmukhidinov’s father that unless his son would return voluntarily to Tajikistan to “face justice”, the authorities would have him forcefully returned.
“Alarmingly, this case is not unique in Tajikistan. For years, the authorities have held its citizens in an iron grip, allowing zero dissent and cracking down brutally on any and all criticism. Shockingly, persecution of family members remains an often-used tool by the regime in its efforts to exert total control over society”, said Nadejda Atayeva, President of the Association for Human Rights in Central Asia. “Dushanbe must immediately cease this campaign of collective punishment”.

On December 9, Saidmukhidinov appealed to international organizations, human rights groups and civil society activists on social media, describing in detail the persecution of his family members in Tajikistan. Saidmukhidinov told the Norwegian Helsinki Committee that after he made his appeal on social media, authorities increased the pressure on his family members. Following his public appeal, the security services again summoned his father to be interrogated in Dushanbe, the country’s capital, on December 14 and 16.

In the statement, the Association for Human Rights in Central Asia and the Norwegian Helsinki Committee said they have documented a pattern in which Tajik authorities in recent years regularly harass, intimidate, interrogate and otherwise persecute family members of outspoken abroad-based activists, in what appear to be efforts to silence critics in Europe and elsewhere.

The groups also stated that Tajikistan finds itself amid a grave human rights crisis in which authorities have imprisoned hundreds of peaceful opposition activists, outlawed the opposition, cracked down on civil society and eliminated all space for freedom of expression and independent media, while subjecting peaceful citizens to torture, enforced disappearances, kidnappings and extra-judicial executions.

“During the ongoing human rights crisis in Tajikistan, authorities have eradicated freedom of expression at home – now they are posing a threat to the same freedom in Europe as activists living in European countries are threatened to silence by persecution of their loved ones back in Tajikistan. And yet, this is merely the most recent manifestation of a systemic rights crisis threatening to destabilize the country,” said Marius Fossum, the Norwegian Helsinki Committee Regional Representative in Central Asia. “On 9 December 2019, the European Union unanimously agreed to establish a worldwide Magnitsky-style sanction regime. We call on Brussels to swiftly establish such  a regime and apply sanctions against key Tajik government officials responsible for the abounding gross human rights violations taking place in recent years, including persecution of activists’’ family members.”